RIGHTING  The  Peoples  Wrongs 


BERKELEY 

LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF 
CALtPORNIA 


RIGHTING  THE 
PEOPLE'S  WRONGS 

A  Lesson  from  History  for  Our  Own   Times 


By 

B.   O.   FLOWER 

Author  of  "The  Century  After  Thomas 
Moore,"  "Gerald  Massey,"  "Whether 
Prophet,  Seer  and  Man,"  "Civil- 
ization's Inferno,"  "The  New 
Tune,"  "Persons,  Places 
and  Ideas" 


CINCINNATI 

THE  STANDARD   PUBLISHING  COMPANY 


Copyright,   1917 
The  Standard  Publishing  Company 


Fa 


PREFACE 

HISTORY  and  experience  are  the  two 
master  teachers  of  nations  and  civil- 
ization. The  Magna  Charta,  wrested 
from  the  tyrant  John  of  England,  became  a 
priceless  heritage  to  be  cherished  and  defended 
by  all  lovers  of  popular  rights  and  the  higher 
interests  of  civilization.  The  papal  decree  of 
Innocent  III.,  declaring  this  vital  instrument  to 
be  ''null  and  void,"  and  his  excommunications 
of  the  barons  who  had  secured  it  for  the  nations, 
failed  in  their  purpose;  for  the  people  instinc- 
tively felt  that  here  was  something  to  be 
guarded  as  a  priceless  treasure,  regardless  of 
the  wishes  of  a  tyrannical  sovereign  or  the  Bull 
and  condemnations  by  the  head  of  a  despotic 
monarchial  hierarchy. 

It  was  the  fundamental  rights  asserted  in 
this  epoch-marking  charter  and  their  legitimate 
implications  that  were  the  guiding  principles  and 
the  inspiration  of  Elliott,  Pym  and  Hampden, 
when  they  led  the  mighty  struggle  against  the 

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884 


Preface 

growing  despotism  of  Charles  L,  a  struggle 
which  culminated  in  the  overthrow  and  execu- 
tion of  the  perfidious  monarch. 

Later  it  was  the  broadened  horizon  and  the 
more  cosmic  and  nobler  idealism  which  came  as 
the  inevitable  result  of  this  great  conflict  which 
inspired  in  a  great  degree  the  liberal  philosophy 
of  government  which  flowered  in  succeeding 
years  in  England  and  France  and  prepared  the 
way  for  our  great  revolution  and  the  birth  of 
Modern  Democracy. 

History  not  only  shows  how  the  great  vic- 
tories of  progress  and  advancing  civilization 
have  in  one  age  proved  the  inspiration  and 
guidance  for  the  prophets  and  apostles  of  liberty 
and  human  rights  in  succeeding  epochs,  but  by 
her  torch  we  are  able  to  trace  the  causes  of  de- 
cline and  death  in  nations  and  civilizations. 
Next  to  experience,  her  lessons  are  most  im- 
portant to  the  statesman,  philosopher,  and  all 
other  thought-molders  in  every  crisis  of  national 
Hfe. 

It  is  with  this  thought  in  mind  that  the  fol- 
lowing historical  survey  of  the  first  ten  years  of 
Queen  Victoria's  reign  has  been  prepared;  for 
during  these  critical  years  in  England's  history 
we  find  prevailing  conditions  in  many  notable 


Preface 

ways  strikingly  similar  to  those  with  which  the 
friends  of  fundamental  democracy  have  to  con- 
tend in  the  present  life-and-death  struggle  being 
waged  between  the  patriotic  upholders  of  our 
Federal  Constitution  and  free  institutions  on  the 
one  hand,  and  the  representatives  of  class  rule 
and  old  world  monarchial  and  hierarchial  des- 
potism on  the  other. 

Few  people  in  our  age  of  feverish  haste 
dream  of  the  impending  danger  which  already 
casts  sinister  shadows  over  this  republic  from 
two  mighty  influences  which  have,  during  the 
past  fifty  years,  been  steadily  undermining  our 
liberal  democracy  in  the  interest  of  monarchial 
and  class-rule  ideals  of  government:  (1)  The 
feudalism  of  privileged  wealth,  often  called  an 
invisible  government  of  organized  greed,  and 
(2)  the  supreme  and  overshadowing  menace  of 
the  monarchial  and  democracy-destroying  upas- 
like Rom^n  hierarchy,  which  is  in  effect  a  gov- 
ernment within  our  Government,  whose  theory 
of  rule  is  in  direct  opposition  to  vital  and  fun- 
damental principles  of  our  liberal  democracy. 

Twenty-five  years  ago  the  feudalism  of 
privileged  wealth  was  seemingly  the  gravest  out- 
side menace  to  fundamental  democracy,  but 
owing  to  the  awakening  of  the  people  by  the 


Preface 

apostles  of  direct  legislation  and  other  basic 
democratic  measures,  the  initiative,  referendum 
and  recall  have  been  established  in  a  large  num- 
ber of  commonwealths;  while  woman  suffrage 
and  other  movements  favorable  to  the  restora- 
tion and  preservation  of  free  institutions  and 
popular  sovereignty  have  also  made  rapid 
strides,  until  this  peril  is  far  less  grave  to-day 
than  its  sister  reactionary  influence,  politico- 
ecclesiastical  Romanism.  The  advance  of  the 
latter  has  been  startlingly  rapid^  and  its  success 
in  chloroforming  Protestant  democracy  has 
been  almost  as  marked  as  has  been  its  victorious 
advance  in  establishing  a  papal  index  and  a 
nation-wide  boycott.  Indeed,  history  records 
few,  if  any,  parallels  where  an  enemy  within  a 
government  has  been  able  to  make  such  rapid 
headway  as  has  the  Roman  hierarchy  during  the 
past  quarter  of  a  century  in  its  systematic,  de- 
termined efforts  to  substitute  the  papal  for  the 
democratic  theory  of  government,  as  it  relates 
to  such  fundamental  and  vital  provisions  as 
freedom  of  speech,  press  and  assembly;  divorce 
of  church  and  state;  popular  non-sectarian  edu- 
cation, and  the  substitution  of  bureaucratic 
methods  for  the  orderly  procedure  of  trial  by 
jury. 

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Preface 

The  founders  and  master  builders  of  this 
great  nation  entered  upon  a  bold  experiment. 
With  superb  confidence  in  human  nature  and 
evincing  a  daring  that  struck  terror  to  thrones, 
hierarchies,  aristocracies,  and,  indeed,  all  forms 
of  class  rule,  they  threw  the  gauntlet  in  the  face 
of  all  privilege-arrogating  governments  and 
hierarchies  which  sought  to  despotically  or  auto- 
cratically rule  over  the  people. 

These  courageous  innovators  held  that  the  old 
order  must  be  reversed ;  that  henceforth  the  peo- 
ple must  be  recognized  as  the  sovereign  power 
of  government;  that  they  were  of  right  the 
ruling  power,  and  officials — under  the  new 
order — must  he  the  servants  instead  of  the  mas- 
ters of  the  citizens. 

This  revolutionary  forward  step  cut  the  very 
ground  from  under  the  presumptuous  and  time- 
honored  claims  of  kings,  aristocracies  and  hier- 
archies who  of  necessity  held  tenaciously  to  the, 
to  them,  pleasing  fiction  that  the  ruler,  or  ruling 
class,  was  of  right  the  master  and  the  people 
merely  the  subjects. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence,  drawn  up 
by  Thomas  Jefiferson — one  of  the  most  far- 
seeing  and  broad-visioned  statesmen  of  any  age 
or  land — was  a  trumpet-call  to  earth's  millions. 

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Preface 

It  was  THE  PEOPLE'S  GREAT  CHARTER, 

which  ushered  in  modern  democracy,  marking 
the  epoch  of  freedom  in  the  march  of  centuries. 
The  Federal  Constitution  provided  in  a  concrete 
way  for  the  practical  workings  of  this  new 
form  of  government  based  on  popular  sover- 
eignty, the  aim  of  which  was  liberty,  justice  and 
fraternity. 

The  Revolutionary  fathers  knew  that  this 
new  governmental  order  would  be  assailed  by 
every  form  of  despotism,  and  that  the  treble  bul- 
wark of  oppression  had  ever  been  popular  igno- 
rance, religions  intolerance,  and  the  suppression 
of  liberty  of  speech  and  press.  Hence,  they 
determined  to  so  safeguard  these  wellsprings  of 
Modern  Democracy  that  the  ideals  of  the  Dec- 
laration of  Independence  could  be  preserved 
from  the  open  assaults  and  insidious  wiles  of 
thrones,  aristocracies  and  hierarchies  of  the  old 
world,  and  to  this  end  they  demanded:  (1) 
Freedom  of  thought,  speech  and  assembly,  (2) 
Absolute  divorce  of  church  and  state,  and  (3) 
Popular  non-sectarian  education,  or  free  schools 
in  which  no  creedal  or  dogmatic  theology  could 
he  taught. 

The  Federal  Constitution  expressly  declares 
that : 


Preface 

"Congress  shall  make  no  laws  respecting  an  establishment 
of  religion,  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof,  or  abridging 
the  freedom  of  speech  or  of  press,  or  the  right  of  the  people  to 
peaceably  assemble  and  petition  the  Government  for  a  redress 
of  grievances.'' 

Later,  in  resolutions  drafted  by  Jefferson  in 
reference  to  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws,  the 
author  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
after  citing  the  above  Constitutional  provision, 
pointed  out  that  the  framers  of  the  Constitution 
thus  guarded  ''in  the  same  sentence  and  under  the 
same  words,  the  freedom  of  religion,  of  speech 
and  of  press,  insomuch  as  whatever  violates 
either  throws  down  the  sanctuary  which  covers 
the  other." 

The  one  thing  which  history  and  experience 
alike  teach  is  that  a  free  people,  zvishing  to  re- 
main free,  must  above  all  else  guard  these  great 
fundamental  principles  and  huhvarks  of  liberal 
democracy;  and  yet,  though  we  have  had  the  old 
truism,  ''Eternal  vigilance  is  the  price  of  liberty/' 
drilled  into  our  ears  from  infancy,  we,  as  a 
people,  have  permitted  the  sirens  of  old  world 
Jesuitism  to  lull  us  to  sleep  while  the  age-long, 
powerful  and  perfectly  organized  foe  of  liberal 
democracy  has  gained  a  strangle-hold  on  nation, 
state  and  city. 

It  is  impossible  in  this  brief  introduction  to 


Preface 

even  outline  the  issues  involved  in  this  mighty 
present-day  struggle  between  modern  liberal 
democracy  and  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism. 
Happily  there  is  no  need  for  this,  as  the  vital 
facts  and  their  grave  implications  are  being 
splendidly  set  forth  in  the  rapidly  growing 
scholarly  literature  of  the  present  great  awak- 
ening.* 

Our  aim  in  the  following  pages  is  to  show 
thinking  men  and  women  the  way  out  through 
practical  and  democratic  methods,  by  giving  a 
highly  suggestive  and  inspiring  citation  from 
the  'history  of  England  during  the  last  century, 
when  a  definite  program  was  intelligently,  stead- 
fastly and  determinedly  pushed  to  victory  at  a 
time  and  under  circumstances  when  victory 
without  a  revolution  of  force  seemed  well-nigh 
impossible. 

True,  in  England  the  overshadowing  issue 

*  Persons  interested  in  the  New  Reformation  movement  should  read 
"The  Patriot's  Manual,"  published  by  the  Free  Press  Defense  League; 
"Constitution  or  Pope?"  by  Judge  Gilbert  O.  Nations;  "Center-shots  at 
Rome,"  by  Geo.  P.  Rutledge,  editor  of  the  Christian  Standard;  "Christi- 
anity's Greatest  Peril,"  by  Augustus  Conrad  Ekholm;  "Footprints  of  the 
Jesuits,"  by  R.  W.  Thompson,  ex-Secretary  of  the  Navy;  "Letters  to  His 
Holiness  Pope  Pius  X.,"  by  Dr.  Wm.  Sullivan,  a  former  professor  of  the 
Paulist  House  of  Studies;  "Roman  Catholicism  Analyzed,"  by  J.  A.  Phillips; 
"Uncle  Sam  or  the  Pope,  Which?"  by  L.  L.  Pickett;  "The  Roman  Catholic 
Hierarchy,"  by  Thomas  E.  Watson;  "Key-note  Speech  of  the  New  Refor- 
mation," by  J.  I.  Sheppard;  "The  Trail  of  Treason;"  "Papal  Prisons  in 
Free  America;"  "The  Religious  Prejudice  Panic;"  and  other  vital  discus- 
sions of  the  overshadowing  menace  of  Romanism  to  free  institutions. 

10 


Preface 

was  economic,  while  with  us  the  question  has  to 
do  with  the  very  Ufe  of  free  institutions  and  our 
Hberal  democracy;  but  the  methods  and  wiles  of 
intrenched  reactionary  power  with  which  the 
friends  of  justice  and  the  larger  life  of  the  peo- 
ple had  to  contend  in  the  earlier  day  are  so 
startlingly  similar  to  those  employed  by  the 
Roman  Catholic  political  machine  in  our  midst 
to-day  as  to  emphasize  anew  the  truism  that 
"History  is  ever  repeating  itself."  Then,  as 
now,  we  find  the  anti-democratic  censorship  of 
the  press  being  exerted  to  prevent  full  and  free 
d^'scussion;  then,  as  now,  we  see  the  votaries  of 
privilege  resorting  to  criminal  lawlessness  to 
prevent  freedom  of  speech  and  being  not  un fre- 
quently aided  by  subservient  officialism.  In  the 
early  days  of  this  great  crusade,  it  will  be  noted, 
the  same  inertia  of  ignorance  on  every  hand  pre- 
vailed, as  prevails  to-day  in  our  land  among  the 
Protestant  millions;  and  finally,  in  the  triumph- 
ant victory  of  the  great  cause  that  six  years 
earlier  was  considered  a  "forlorn  hope,"  will  be 
seen  something  that  should  inspire,  strengthen 
and  stimulate  every  true  patriot. 

In    the    early    days    of    the    Anti-Corn-Law 
movement   only  men   like   Cobden   and   Bright, 

who  knew  that  their  cause  was  just,  and  who  be- 

11 


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Preface 

lieved  most  profoundly  that  one  with  God  is  a 
majority,  imagined  that  a  peaceful  revolution 
could  be  wrought  by  the  small  band  who  fought 
for  justice.  But  these  men  were  great  enough 
to  consecrate  life's  every  gift  to  the  Cause,  and, 
with  invincible  faith  and  courage  that  knew  no 
faltering,  they  achieved  in  less  than  ten  years 
the  greatest  politico-economic  victory  of  the 
last  century. 

This  story  of  "Hov/  England  Averted  a 
Revolution  of  Force"  is  as  pregnant  as  a  zvay- 
shozver  as  it  is  inspiring  to  all  who  are  noble  and 
great  enough  to  make  the  necessary  sacrifices 
for  vital  freedom  and  human  progress. 

What  Richard  Cobden,  John  Bright,  Thomas 
Carlyle,  Charles  Mackay,  Gerald  Massey  and 
Guiseppe  Mazzini  did,  w^e  also  can  do  in  the  far 
graver  and  more  momentous  struggle  that  con- 
fronts us,  providing  we,  too,  are  great  enough 
and  true  enough  to  consecrate  life's  richest  gifts 
to  the  noblest  of  all  governmental  causes.  The 
first  thing  demanded  is  to  awaken  the  sleeping 
millions  and  vitalize  them  with  that  living  faith 
which  makes  a  Gideon's  band  more  irresistible 
than  the  hosts  of  Midian;  that  faith  which  is 
behind  the  vision  zvithout  zvhich  nations  and 
civilisations  perish.     Indijferentism,   or   deadly 

12 


Preface 

inertia — the  fruit  of  a  systematic  Roman  Cath- 
olic Jesuitical  campaign  which  has  been  waged 
for  over  forty  years — must  he  broken  up.  We 
must  demand  and  compel  full  and  free  discus- 
sion of  every  vital  politico-religious  question  of 
the  hour. 

This,  Rome  dreads  as  did  the  reactionary, 
privilege-enjoying  class  of  Great  Britain  dread 
a  free  discussion  of  the  Corn  Laws,  but  it  is 
only  by  restoring  to  the  people  through  press 
and  forum  the  fundamental  rights  guaranteed 
by  liberal  democracy,  freedom  of  speech,  press 
and  assembly,  that  our  free  institutions  can  be 
preserved.  On  the  other  hand,  it  Is  only  by 
censorship,  boycott,  and  the  insidious  warfare 
for  the  suppression  of  full  and  free  discussion 
that  Rome  can  triumph. 

Our  duty  is  to  fearlessly  follow  the  example 
of  Jefferson,  Franklin,  Adams  and  the  Revolu- 
tionary fathers  of  the  elder  day  and  that  of 
Cobden,  Bright,  and  the  heroes  (of  the  forties) 
in  England  during  the  last  century. 

We  must  organize,  agitate  and  educate;  we 
must  make  the  people  see  that  the  issue  in  a  nut- 
shell is  America  or  Rome.  Popular  sovereignty, 
as  voiced  in  our  liberal  democracy — or  papal 
autocracy. 

13 


Preface 

We  must  unite  and  support  at  the  polls,  and 
everywhere  else,  only  those  who  own  and  show 
their  first  allegiance  to  our  Federal  Constitution, 
and  such  bulwarks  of  free  institutions  as  our 
non-sectarian  public  schools.  We  must  imitate 
the  heroes  of  the  Anti-Corn-Law  days.  We 
will  then  be  able  to  meet  Rome's  deadly  assault 
on  our  fundamental  democracy  in  such  a  way  as 
to  preserve  for  our  children,  and  for  generations 
yet  unborn,  those  priceless  gifts  of  our  organic 
law:  freedom  of  speech,  press  mid  assembly, 
and  the  absolute  divorce  of  church  and  state, 
as  well  as  popular  non-sectarian  education — the 
glory-lighted  trinity  of  liberal  democracy  against 
which  the  subjects  of  papal  sovereignty  are 
waging  a  deadly  warfare. 


u 


CONTENTS 


Page 

Preface, 5 

Introduction. 

importance  and   timeliness    of  the   subject. 

Birth  of  English  Democracy — The  Monarchical  Form  clothing 
a  Republican  Spirit  —  Two  Typical  Revolutions — Transi- 
tion-period between  the  Old  England  and  the  New — 
Difficulties  to  be  Met — Social  Discontent,   ....      19 

Chapter  I. 

SOME    LEADING    CAUSES    OF    THE    POPULAR    UNREST. 

The  American  Republic — Effect  of  the  French  Revolution  — 
Passage  from  Absolute  to  Constitutional  Monarchy  — 
Spirit  of  the  Age  —  Physical  Science  —  Philosophical  and 
Religious  Thought  —  The  Oxford  Movement — *'No 
Popery" — Disappointment  at  Results  of  Reform  Bill  — 
Lord  Durham  —  The  New  Poor  Law — Machinery  —  Con- 
dition of  the  Poor — "The  Cry  of  the  People,"    ...      23, 

Chapter  IL 

origin,  progress,  and  result  of  chartism. 

Estimate  of  Movement  —  Reform  Bill  of  i  831  — Middle  Classes 
demand  Representation  —  Reform  Necessary  —  Difficulties 
in  the  Way  —  Votes  on  Bill  —  Passage  of  Bill  —  Result  of 
Bill — Reaction  —  Rise  of  Chartism  —  Its  Demands  —  Its 
Spread  —  Conservatism  of  the  Masses  —  The  Reformer — 
Leaders  of  Movement  —  Unwise  Advocates  —  How  Chartism 
IS 


Contents 

might    have     Succeeded  —  Indifference    of    Government  — 
Opposition  and  Riots  —  A  New   Influence, 43 

Chapter  III. 

HISTORY     OF     THE     CORN     LAWS. 

Corn  Laws  after  Norman  Conquest  —  Statute  of  1436 — Statute 
of  1463 — Legislation  of  1660— 1670  —  Corn  Laws  under 
William  and  Mary  —  Burke's  Act  (1773)  —  Statute  of 
1791 — Enactments  from  1791  to  1846 — Repeal  of  Corn 
Laws  becomes  Question  of  the  Hour,  68 

Chapter  IV. 

THE     anti-corn-law     LEAGUE. 

What  it  Accomplished  —  Its  Opponents  —  Later  a  Class-move- 
ment—  Purity  of  Leaders  —  Story  of  the  Movement  — 
Richard  Cobden  —  John  Bright  —  Dark  Days  and  Cobden's 
Faith, 78 

Chapter  V. 

humanitarian    spirit    in    literature   of    period  and 
some   thinkers  who    wrought   for    progress. 

Political  Influences  not  Alone  at  Work  —  A  Wave  of  Human 
Sympathy  —  Bulwer's  '*  King  Arthur"  — Ebenezer  Elliott 

—  Carlyle  —  Dickens  —  Elizabeth  Barrett — Hood — Mackay 

—  Massey  —  Maurice  —  Charles    Kingsley  —  Mazzini  — 
Youth  a  Nation's  Hope, 103 

Chapter  VI. 

"CARRYING     THE     WAR     INTO     AFRICA." 

Disappointment  in  Melbourne  Ministry  —  Mr.  Wood  of  Man- 
chester—  Parliamentary  Tactics  —  Agitators'  Troubles  — 
Postal  Reform  —  A  Tory  Ministry  —  Cobden  in  Parlia- 
ment—  Compact  between  Cobden  and  John  Bright  —  The 
Press  opens  its  Columns  —  Thomas  Moore  —  Thomas 
Campbell  —  The  Year  1844 — Absurd  Remedies  Proposed,  151 
16 


Contents 


Chapter  VII. 

THE     DARK     HOUR     BEFORE     THE     DAWN. 

Beginning  of  1845 — The  Income  Tax  —  Bread  Plentiful  — 
Interest  Waning  —  Cobden's  Great  Speech  —  Foretells 
Success, 175 

Chapter  VIII. 

FAMINE    AIDS    THE    LEAGUE. 

Only  Want  arouses  a  People  —  The  Irish  Potato-rot  of  1845 
—  Sir  Robert  Peel  in  1845 — Lord  John  Russell  —  The 
Times — Vain  Attempt  to  change  Ministry,        .      .      .      .181 

Chapter  IX. 

THE  repeal. 

Sir  Robert  Peel  announces  his  Conversion,  1846  —  Benjamin 
Disraeli  —  Peel  declares  his  Programme  —  Acrimonious 
Debates — Peel's  Noble  Stand  —  Bill  passes  Commons  and 
Lords  —  Estimate  of  Victory, 187 

Chapter  X. 

LESSONS    FOR    THE    PRESENT. 

Importance  of  Repeal  and  of  Reform  Bill  —  Obstacles  Appar- 
ently Insurmountable  —  No  Such  Word  as  Fail  —  League 
Methods  —  Singleness  of  Aim — Tables  Turned  —  Youth 
the  Mainstay  of  Anti-Corn-Law  Movement  —  Appeal  to 
Reason  and  Conscience  —  Lessons  of  Chartism  —  Con- 
clusion,      195 

APPENDIX 

1.     Typical  Poems  and  Songs  of  the  Period  of  the  Corn- 
Law  AND  Chartist  Agitations, 213 

Exordium    to    "The    Village    Patriarch,"    by    Ebenezer 

Elliott, 214 

"Battle  Song,"  by  Ebenezer  Elliott,         215 

17 


Contents 


««The  Home  of  Taste,"  by  Ebenezer  Elliott,  ....  216 

*<The  Press,"  by  Ebenezer  Elliott, 217 

"The  Cry  of  the  Children,"  by  Elizabeth  Barrett,  .  .218 
<<The  Song  of  the  Shirt,"  by  Thomas  Hood,  .  .  .  223 
<*The  Souls  of  the  Children,"  by  Charles  Mackay,    .      .    226 

«<  British  Freedom,"  by  Charles  Mackay, 229 

**The  Wants  of  the  People,"  by  Charles  Mackay,     .      .    230 

Answer  to  Cowley's  Question,  by  Charles  Mackay,      .    232 

«*The  Three  Preachers,"  by  Charles  Mackay,       .      .      .    232 

<*The  Voice  of  the  Time,"  by  Charles  Mackay,        .      .    234 

«<Now,"  by  Charles  Mackay,         236 

•<The  Fermentation,"  by  Charles  Mackay,        ,     .      .      .237 

**The  Railways,"  by  Charles  Mackay, 239 

«<The  Watcher  on  the  Tower,"  by  Charles  Mackay,      .    241 

•*  Clear  the  Way,"  by  Charles  Mackay, 243 

**The  Good  Time  Coming,"  by  Charles  Mackay,      .      .    244 

** Eternal  Justice,"  by  Charles  Mackay, 245 

"The  Earth  for  All,"  by  Gerald  Massey,  ....  248 
"The  Lords  of  Land  and  Money,"  by  Gerald  Massey,  249 
*<A  Cry  of  the  Unemployed,"  by  Gerald  Massey,  .  .  250 
"Our  Fathers  are  Praying  for  Pauper-Pay,"  Gerald  Massey,  252 
From  "Anathema  Maranatha,"  by  Gerald  Massey,  .  .254 
From  "Onward  and  Sunward,"  by  Gerald  Massey,  .  254 
"Song  of  the  Red  Republican,"  by  Gerald  Massey,       .   254 

"The  Awakening,"  by  Gerald  Massey, 255 

"To-day  and  To-mor  ow,"  by  Gerald  Massey,  .  .  .  256 
**  Alton  Locke's  Song,"  by  Charles  Kingsley,  .  .  .  257 
"The  Day  of  the  Lord,"  by  Charles  Kingsley,     .      .      .258 

II.      Dr.    Charles    Mackay's    Political    Fable    of    the 

Tailor-ruled  Land, 260 

in.       Chartist  Petition    Presented  to  the  Commons  in 

1839, 264 

Index, 269 


INTRODUCTION 

IMPORTANCE  AND  TIMELINESS  OF  THE 
SUBJECT 

Birth  of  English  Democracy  —  The  Monarchical  Form  clothing  a 
Republican  Spirit  —  Two  Typical  Revolutions  —  Transition- 
period  between  the  Old  England  and  the  New  —  Difficulties  to 
be  Met  —  Social  Discontent. 

TO  FRIENDS  of  popular  government  there 
has  seldom  been  a  decade  of  greater  inter- 
est, or  one  more  instructive  in  its  practical 
lessons,  than  were  the  first  ten  years  of  Queen 
Victoria's  reign  ;  for  during  this  period  the  spirit 
of  progressive  democracy  was  introduced  into  the 
political  life  of  Great  Britain  to  such  an  extent  that 
it  changed  the  genius  or  character  of  the  govern- 
ment. True,  the  new  spirit  was  present  when  the 
great  Reform  Bill  of  i83i-'32  was  passed  ;  but  per- 
sonal government  could  not  be  said  to  have  given 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

place  to  constitutional  rule  during  the  reign  of 
William  IV.  Victoria,  however,  accepted  the  spirit 
as  well  as  the  letter  of  the  new  demand  born  of  the 
democratic  ideal  that  was  to  be  progressively  and 
practically  applied  to  public  affairs.  Hence  the 
beginning  of  her  rule  marked  the  advent  of  the 
republican  temper  which  has  been  fostered  and 
expanded  with  the  succeeding  years. 

History  has  afforded  many  sad  illustrations  of 
republican  shells  masking  imperial  despotism  or 
intolerable  tyrannies,  under  autocratic  or  oligarchi- 
cal rule ;  but  in  England  we  find  the  form  and 
paraphernalia  of  monarchy  clothing  a  government 
which,  since  the  dawn  of  the  Victorian  age,  has  suc- 
cessively enlarged  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the 
people,  and  which  has  from  year  to  year,  in  its 
internal  policy  and  in  that  of  its  Anglo-Saxon 
dependencies,  accepted  the  larger  demand  of  a  free 
government  whose  face  is  set  toward  the  republican 
ideal.  For  this  reason  a  brief  survey  of  the  period 
will  prove  helpful  and,  I  think,  inspiring  to  those 
who  are  earnestly  working  for  freedom,  for  fraternity, 
and  for  happiness  based  on  justice  and  enlightenment. 

The  condition  and  general  outlook  in  England 
during  the  first  years  of  Queen  Victoria's  reign  was 
in  so  many  respects  analogous  to  that  present  in 
France  when    Louis   XVI.  and    Marie  iVntoinette 


Importance  and  Timeliness  of  the  Subject 

ascended  the  throne,  that  the  happy  outcome  in 
Great  Britain  stands  in  bold  and  brilhant  relief 
against  the  dark  background  of  the  wanton  slaugh- 
ter of  life  and  the  destruction  of  property  that 
marked  the  Reign  of  Terror.  In  each  country  the 
transition  was  revolutionary,  working  changes  of  a 
fundamental  and  far-reaching  character.  In  France, 
all  the  savage  and  brutal  instincts  of  millions  were 
unleashed,  the  result  being  a  drama  of  unparalleled 
ferocity,  in  which  reason,  justice,  love  and  the 
humanitarian  impulses  were  banished  to  enthrone 
hate  and  to  glut  revenge.  In  England,  on  the 
other  hand,  a  revolution  scarcely  less  fundamental, 
but  slower  in  its  processes,  was  carried  to  a  victorious 
issue  by  peaceable  measures,  primarily  through  the 
unremitting  and  indefatigable  labors  of  a  little  band 
of  social  reformers  who  fully  understood  the  mean- 
ing and  importance  of  the  two  words,  organization 
and  education ;  and  secondarily  by  the  presence  of 
high  moral  purpose  and  of  far-seeing,  courageous 
and  incorruptible  statesmanship,  unhampered  by 
the  throne. 

The  first  decade  of  the  Victorian  age  was,  to  use 
the  language  of  Dr.  Charles  Mackay,  "  a  transition 
period  from  the  old  England  to  the  new.  The  slow 
civilization  of  our  grandfathers  was  giving  place  to 
the  far  more  active,  prying,  aggressive  civilization 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

of  the  present  day — the  day  of  steam,  electricity, 
and  engineering,  and  of  material  rather  than  intel- 
lectual or  moral  progress."  *  Moreover,  the  diffi- 
culties and  obstacles,  at  home  and  abroad,  that 
confronted  the  State  were  of  the  gravest  character. 
In  Canada  revolution,  in  Jamaica  threatened  revolt, 
in  India  the  rising  mutterings  of  a  coming  storm 
were  enough  to  tax  the  wisdom  of  far  greater  states- 
men than  easy-going  Melbourne  and  his  associates. 
But,  serious  as  were  these  dangers,  they  sank  into 
comparative  insignificance  before  the  rising  flood  of 
social  discontent  which,  swelled  as  it  was  by  many 
different  tributaries,  threatened  to  sweep  away  the 
old  regime  with  the  fury  that  had  marked  the  great 
continental  revolution.*)" 

*  Charles  Maclcay,  LL.D.,  "Forty  Years'  Recollections,"  vol.  I., 

P-  77- 

-|-<<It  Is  easy  to  imagine  a  succession  of  events,"  says  Justin 
McCarthy,  "which  might  have  thrown  the  country  Into  utter  con- 
fusion. .  .  .  Things  were  looking  ominous  for  the  new  reign.  The 
last  two  reigns  had  done  much  to  loosen  not  only  the  personal  feeling 
of  allegiance,  but  even  the  general  confidence  in  the  virtue  of  mon- 
archical rule.  .  .  .  Social  discontent  prevailed  almost  everywhere. 
.  .  .  Class-interests  were  fiercely  arrayed  against  each  other.  The 
cause  of  each  man's  class  filled  him  with  positive  fanaticism."  ("  His- 
tory of  Our  Own  Times,"  Am.  ed.,  vol.  I.,  p.  i6.) 


CHAPTER    I. 

SOME   LEADING    CAUSES    OF    THE   POPULAR 
UNREST 

The  American  Republic  —  Effect  of  the  French  Revolution  —  Pas- 
sage from  Absolute  to  Constitutional  Monarchy — Spirit  of  the 
Age  —  Physical  Science  —  Philosophical  and  Religious  Thought 
—  The  Oxford  Movement — "No  Popery" — Disappointment 
at  Results  of  Reform  Bill  —  Lord  Durham  —  The  New  Poor 
Law — Machinery  —  Condition  of  the  Poor — "The  Cry  of  the 
People." 

TO  APPRECIATE  intelligently  the  diffi- 
culties that  the  statesmanship  of  the  'forties 
of  the  nineteenth  century  had  to  meet,  it 
will  be  necessary  for  us  to  recall  to  mind  some  of 
the  leading  sources  of  this  popular  discontent.  The 
fifty  years  that  preceded  the  coronation  of  the  Queen 
had  revolutionized  the  thought  of  Europe.  The 
vigorous  young  republic  over  the  water,  in  spite  of 
the  gloomy  predictions  that  had  been  confidently 
and  persistently  made  .in  regard  to  her  for  half  a 
century,  had  moved  forward  with  stately  and  unin- 
terrupted tread,  till  she  occupied  a  commanding 
position  among  the  positive  and  inspiring  powers 

23 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

of  civilization.  Men  of  the  Old  World  had  become 
convinced  that  the  daring  ideals  of  the  new  order 
were  practicable.  The  republic  was  "a  great  fact"; 
and  its  success  had  excited  the  wonder  of  the  world, 
and  the  admiration  of  the  friends  of  freedom  in  all 
lands. 

The  French  Revolution,  through  its  excesses  and 
the  failure  of  the  experiment,  had  caused  a  revulsion 
in  public  feeling ;  but,  in  spite  of  this,  the  upheaval 
had  shaken  every  throne  in  western  Europe,  and 
planted  a  great  new  hope  in  the  hearts  of  millions 
of  people.  Moreover,  the  broadly  humanitarian 
and  philosophical  controversies  and  intellectual  agi- 
tations that  preceded  and  followed  the  Revolution 
had  appealed  to  the  conscience,  to  the  rationality, 
and  to  the  sense  of  justice  of  more  than  one  great 
English  statesman,  while  they  produced  a  profound 
and  indelible  impression  upon  the  great  middle  class 
of  the  nation. 

Another  factor  that  strengthened  the  revolutionary 
impulses  was  the  new-born  confidence  on  the  part 
of  the  masses  in  their  ov/n  power,  when  once  banded 
together.  The  starving  miserables  of  France,  when 
acting  in  concert,  had  proved  irresistible  against  even 
the  Bastile  and  the  throne.  This  salient  fact  had 
taken  lodgment  in  the  minds  of  tens  of  thousands 
of  the  very  poor,  who  seemed  to  be  too  ignorant  to 

24 


Some  Causes  of  the  Popular  Unrest 

appreciate  the  higher  motives  that  actuated  those 
who  were  fighting  the  battle  of  progress  from  a 
love  of  justice  ;  and  this  realization  of  the  possi- 
bility of  victory  made  them  far  less  patient  than 
they  had  been  before  the  upheaval  in  France. 

At  this  time  all  western  continental  Europe  Vv^as 
fast  moving  toward  a  revolutionary  outbreak,  and 
England  had  become  infected  with  the  spirit  of 
revolt.  Then,  again,  during  the  last  two  reigns  the 
nation  had  passed  from  a  personal  monarchy  to  a 
constitutional  form  of  government ;  and  the  van- 
ishing of  the  old  reverence  that  had  hedged  the 
throne  was  noticeable  in  every  class,  though  it  was 
perhaps  nowhere  so  conspicuous  as  among  the  very 
poor,  v/hose  lot  was  pitiable  in  the  extreme. 

The  tendency  to  revolt  was  favored  by  the  general 
temper  of  the  age.  It  was  a  time  when  the  thought 
of  the  nation  was  in  a  state  of  flux.  The  old  views 
were  rapidly  falling  away.  Ancient  theories  were 
being  questioned,  when  indeed  they  were  not  impa- 
tiently discarded.  The  old  ideals  were  giving  place 
to  new  ones  more  in  harmony  with  the  larger  thought 
that  had  come  with  the  larger  life  of  the  age.  It 
was  as  if  the  word  change  were  graven  over  every 
gateway  of  research.  In  science,  in  religion,  in  com- 
merce and  trade,  no  less  than  in  political  and  social 
economy,  there   was   a  degree    of  restlessness   that 

25 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

always  marks  a  time  of  growth  and  transition,  and 
which  gives  impetus  to  revolutionary  impulses.  In 
the  epigrammatic  phrase  of  Lord  Brougham,  "  The 
schoolmaster  was  abroad  in  the  land." 

The  value  of  steam  and  the  wonders  and  uses  of 
electricity  were  new  to  the  nation  ;  and  these  dis- 
coveries were  stimulating  the  brain  of  thousands  of 
inventive  geniuses,  while  they  opened  new  worlds 
of  possibility  to  the  mercantile  and  trading  classes. 

Physical  science  was  also  girding  herself  for  the 
most  brilliant  march  of  discovery  in  the  history  of 
the  ages — a  march  in  which  Great  Britain  was  to 
take  a  leading  part.  Charles  Darwin  had  returned 
from  his  memorable  voyage  round  the  world  in 
"The  Beagle,"  and,  with  brain  teeming  with  new 
and  wonderful  thought  born  of  his  research,  was 
busily  engaged  in  the  production  of  his  immortal 
works;  while  Alfred  Russell  Wallace,  Herbert  Spen- 
cer, John  Tyndall  and  others  who  were  to  make  the 
nineteenth  century  forever  glorious  in  the  history 
of  scientific  progress,  were  in  the  flush  of  early 
manhood. 

In    the    domain    of    religion    the    revolutionary 

impulses  were  very  marked.      The  rise  of  physical 

science,  with  the  startling  new  theories  of  evolution; 

the  innovations  of  investigators  in  natural  history, 

in  geology,  in  astronomy,  and  indeed  in  all  depart- 

26 


Some  Causes  of  the  Popular  Unrest 

merits  of  scientific  research  ;  the  general  quickening 
of  the  spirit  of  unrest  and  skepticism  ;  the  spread 
of  German  transcendentahsm,  and  the  dissemination 
of  the  philosophical  French  liberalism,  were  influ- 
encing the  thought  of  England.  Perhaps  this  was 
nowhere  more  apparent  than  in  the  broadening 
vision  of  great  divines  and  churchmen.  But  this 
invasion  of  the  precincts  of  the  church  by  the 
newer  thought  and  speculation,  w^hile  it  wove  a  fas- 
cinating spell  over  many  of  the  noblest  thinkers, 
naturally  produced  a  powerful  reaction  in  the  minds 
of  others  no  less  able  or  conscientious,  who  saw 
with  the  gravest  apprehension  the  fading  away  of 
the  old  reverence  for  form,  for  rite,  for  ritual,  and 
for  dogma.  To  them  it  seemed  that  the  church, 
loosed  from  her  moorings,  was  floating  into  a  sea 
of  skepticism.  In  1833  the  famous  Oxford  Move- 
ment was  launched  by  John  Henry  Newman  and 
other  able  and  intensely  religious  men.  They  were 
reactionists  who,  unconsciously  at  first,  had  set  their 
face  toward  Rome.  In  1841  Dr.  Newman  issued 
his  famous  "  Tract  No.  90,"  which  occasioned  such 
heated  controversy  that  it  might  almost  be  said  to 
have  convulsed  the  councils  of  the  Established 
Church.  To  the  clear-seeing  it  was  evident  that 
the  keen  thinker  and  masterly  logician,  its  author, 

was  already  under  the  fascination  of  the  great  Latin 

27 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

church ;    and  his  formal  acceptance  of  Catholicism, 
in  1845,  surprised  no  one. 

The  years  that  followed  the  Oxford  Movement 
were  marked  by  a  religious  upheaval  which  shook 
the  Church  of  England  as  it  had  not  been  moved 
in  generations.  The  controversies  were  between 
intellectual  giants,  who  were  also  men  of  pure 
motives  and  noble  impulses  ;  in  the  strenuous  con- 
flict life-long  friends  were  arrayed  against  each  other, 
teachers  against  disciples,  and  brother  against  brother. 
A  striking  instance  of  this  v>'a3  seen  in  the  case  of 
the  Newman  brothers.  We  have  seen  how  the  new 
thought  and  larger  views  of  life  that  busied  the  brain 
of  the  period  filled  the  mystical  and  contem.plative 
divine,  John  Henry  Newman,  with  alarm,  and  drove 
him  into  the  arms  of  Rome.  The  same  influences, 
playing  upon  the  more  rationalistic  mind  of  Francis 
Newman,  fascinated  him  with  the  broader  outlook 
and  led  him  into  the  ranks  of  Liberalism.* 

*  These  brothers  were  equally  pure  in  heart  and  purpose,  equally 
sincere  and  earnest.  Both  were  passionate  lovers  of  truth.  Each  was 
logical  and  endowed  with  keen  intellectual  perception.  But  with  the 
one  the  mystical  and  poetic  quality,  with  the  other  the  rationalistic, 
seemed  to  hold  supremacy.  In  the  Newman  brothers  we  have  one  of 
the  most  suggestive  illustrations  of  how  the  same  influences  will  produce 
diametrically  opposite  impressions  on  two  elevated,  truth-loving  natures. 
Their  lives  also  show  something  of  the  play  of  forces  at  work  in  the 
chiinh  at  this  period.  We  can  easily  understand  how  the  scholarship 
of  England  was  moved  by  the  keen  and  often  bitter  controversy,  and 
how  something  of  the  old-time  prejudice  flamed  up  in  the  minds  of 
some  of  her  noblest  churchmen. 

28 


Some  Causes  of  the  Popula?^  Unrest 

The  effect  upon  the  popular  mind  of  this  move- 
ment toward  the  Church  of  Rome  by  a  few  of  the 
brightest  lights  of  the  English  church  was  insignifi- 
cant, as  compared  with  the  general  alarm  and  preju- 
dice excited  by  another  agitation,  largely  without 
substantial  basis,  which  was  professedly  religious, 
but  was  in  reality  carried  on  chiefly  for  political 
ends.  The  old  cry  of  "  No  Popery  !  "  was  used  as  a 
slogan  by  demagogues,  and  the  fact  that  O'Connell 
and  his  colleagues  were  actino;  with  Lord  Melbourne 
was  seized  on  by  the  Opposition  to  excite  the  relig- 
ious prejudices  of  the  sentimental  and  the  timid  to 
the  dangerous  pass  where  judgment  and  reason 
become  clouded,  if  they  do  not  even  give  place  to 
insane  hate.  The  spirit  of  religious  intolerance  and 
bigotry  ever  sleeps  lightly  in  the  heart  of  a  people 
that  holds  with  grim  tenacity  to  a  dogmatic  theology; 
and  to  us  of  the  present  day  it  seems  almost  incred- 
ible that  eminent  men,  who  represented  that  element 
of  society  which  prided  itself  on  its  conservatism  and 
respectability,  should  have  gone  to  such  lengths  as 
did  the  Tories  in  an  attempt  to  unleash  the  religious 
fanaticism  of  the  people. 

A  great  cry  was  raised  by  the  Conservatives  at  the 

danger  that  threatened  England  from  the  immaturity 

of  the  Queen,  and  from  the  friendliness  shown  by 

the  ministry  to  Daniel  O'Connell  and  other  Irish- 

29 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

Catholic  members  of  the  House.  For  a  time  there 
seemed  to  be  a  systematic  and  determined  attempt 
to  create  the  impression  that  there  was  grave  danger 
of  the  Queen  throwing  her  influence  in  favor  of 
"  Popery,"  as  the  Conservatives  were  pleased  to 
term  Catholicism. 

Many  intimations  were  indulged  in  to  the  effect 
that  an  effort  was  being  made  to  wed  the  youthful 
sovereign  to  a  Catholic  prince.  It  is  an  old  and 
favorite  device  of  politicians  who  are  governed  by 
motives  other  than  the  highest,  to  assume  as  a  fact 
something  derogatory  to  the  Opposition,  and  then 
to  argue  on  the  false  assumption  as  if  it  were 
sound.  At  this  time  demagogues  were  quick  to 
employ  this  discreditable  method  to  injure  the  min- 
istry by  further  inflaming  the  religious  passions  of 
the  people. 

Even  the  staid  old  London  T^imes  insisted  that 
"the  anticipations  of  certain  Irish  Roman  Catholics 
respecting  the  success  of  their  warfare  against  church 
and  state  under  the  auspices  of  these  not  untried 
ministers  into  whose  hands  the  all  but  infant  Queen 
has  been  compelled  by  her  unhappy  condition  to 
deliver  herself  and  her  indignant  people  are  to  be 
taken  for  nothing,  and  as  nothing,  but  the  chimeras 
of  a  band  of  visionary  traitors." 

It  is  a  law  of  life  that  like  calls  forth  like,  and 

30 


Some  Causes  of  the  Popular  Unrest 

the  Liberals  were  not  slow  in  retaliating.  Charges 
of  meditated  treason  and  dark  hints  of  designs  upon 
the  throne  were  freely  and  unjustifiably  indulged  in. 
Mr.  Henry  Grattan,  the  son  of  the  great  orator,  in 
a  public  address  said:  "If  her  Majesty  were  once 
fairly  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  Tories,  I  would 
not  give  an  orange  peel  for  her  life."  And  in  order 
to  give  further  emphasis  to  his  absurd  and  extra- 
ordinary imputation,  he  added  :  "  If  some  of  the 
low  miscreants  of  the  party  got  round  her  Majesty 
and  had  the  mixing  of  the  royal  bowl  at  night,  I 
fear  she  would  have  a  long  sleep." 

While  it  is  obvious  that  this  agitation  was  due 
chiefly  to  political  demagogy,  it  cannot  be  denied 
that  the  trouble  was  constantly  fed  by  indiscreet 
and  indefensible  utterances  and  actions  on  the  part 
both  of  Catholics  and  of  Protestants,  chiefly  in 
Ireland,  though  to  some  extent  in  England  also.* 

*  It  was  during  the  early  years  of  Queen  Victoria's  reign,  when  the 
Corn-Law  agitators  and  the  anti-Papal  zealots  were  active,  that  Thomas 
Moore  voiced  the  sentiments  of  thousands  of  Englishmen  in  a  little 
waif,  two  stanzas  of  which  run  as  follows  : 

"What,  still  those  two  infernal   questions, 
That  with  our  meals,  our  slumber  mix! 
That  spoil  our  tempers  and  digestions. 
Eternal  Corn  and  Catholics  ! 

**  Gods !    were  there  ever  two  such  bores! 
Nothing  else  talked  of  night  or  morn, 
Nothing  in  doors,  or  out  of  doors. 
But  endless  Cathohcs  and  Corn!" 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

It  is  thus  quite  clear  that  the  general  spirit  of  the 
time  was  one  of  widespread  unrest.  But,  passing 
from  a  general  survey  to  a  closer  scrutiny  of  the 
political, of  the  social,  and  of  the  economic  conditions, 
we  see  everywhere  indications  of  a  great  storm 
brewing.* 

The  profound  agitation  that  had  convulsed  Eng- 
land during  the  long,  memorable  and  bitterly  con- 
tested Reform-Bill  struggle,  had  interested  as  no 
agitation  had  ever  done  before  the  masses  of  the 
English  people  in  political  measures  ;  and,  as  is 
always  the  case  when  some  distinctively  progressive 
step  is  taken,  the  bill  had  aroused  extravagant  and 
unwarranted  expectations  in  the  minds  of  thousands 
of  the  slow-thinking  toilers.  There  of  course  had 
followed  in  this  class  bitter  disappointment,  while 
even  the  more  discerning  and  discriminating  among 
progressive  Englishmen,  who  regarded  the  measure 


■*  The  mistakes  of  the  Conservatives  had  exerted  a  strong  influence 
upon  the  public  mind.  This  had  been  very  noticeable  in  the  popular 
reaction  that  followed  the  persistent  attempt  of  the  Duke  of  Welling- 
ton, in  1830,  when  at  the  head  of  the  ministry,  to  destroy  the  freedom 
of  the  press  by  rigorous  persecution  (see  "History  of  the  English 
Parliament,"  vol.  XIII.).  Although  this  dangerous  attempt  of  the 
crown  and  its  ministers  came  practically  to  an  end  in  1831  with  the 
failure  of  the  Whig  attorney-general  to  convict  Cobbett,  the  effort  had 
served  to  arouse  the  more  thoughtful  and  patriotic  among  the  people 
to  the  importance  not  only  of  boldly  resisting  the  attempts  to  suppress 
the  freedom  of  the  press,  but  also  of  uniting  in  a  demand  for  larger 
freedom  and  a  wider  meed  of  justice. 

32 


Some  Causes  of  the  Popular  Unrest 

merely  as  the  opening  wedge  (as  indeed  it  proved  to 
be)  to  greater  and  more  essential  reforms,  were  dis- 
appointed on  finding  that  the  Liberal  or  Whig  party- 
had  no  intention  of  involving  the  country  in  further 
agitation  by  taking  the  "  next  step." 

The  laboring  classes  were  enraged  by  the  refusal 
of  the  Liberal  ministry  to  extend  the  franchise,  or 
to  adopt  other  measures  that  it  was  believed  would 
better  the  pitiable  condition  of  workingmen.  They 
had  worked  hard  for  the  success  of  the  Reform  Bill. 
Indeed,  the  measure  would  never  have  become  a 
law  had  it  not  been  for  the  artisan  class.  Royalty 
and  the  aristocracy  yielded  only  after  it  had  become 
clear  that  revolution  would  inevitably  follow  if  they 
persisted  in  their  opposition.  The  gigantic  demon- 
strations of  revolt  in  England,  in  1831,  after  the 
Lords  had  refused  to  pass  the  measure,  revealed  to 
the  Conservatives  the  ugly  fact  that  "  if  constitu- 
tional means  failed  the  bill  would  be  carried  by 
unconstitutional  pressure.'"^  None  knew  better  than 
did  the  workingmen  that  the  success  of  the  Reform 
Bill  had  been  made  possible  by  their  persistent, 
determined  and  united  action  ;  and  they  now  felt 
that,  in  common  fairness,  the  demands  of  the  artisan 
class  should  receive  consideration  at  the  hands  of 
those  whom  they  had  helped,  who  had  promised  to 

*J.  Franck.  Bright,  D.D.,  "History  of  England/'  vol.  III.,  p.  1426. 
3  33 


How  England  Averted  a  devolution  of  Force 

be  and  who  they  had  supposed  were  their  friends. 

In  spite  hov/ever  of  the  indignation  of  the  labor- 
ing classes,  and  of  the  angry  cry  of  the  starving  in 
the  great  cities,  the  Liberals  refused  to  advance. 
Lord  Melbourne  and  Lord  Russell  seemed  to 
think  that,  after  the  passage  of  the  Reform  Bill, 
the  people  should  rest  content  for  a  generation, 
while  the  ministry  enjoyed  the  emoluments  and 
honors  of  office  undisturbed — as  a  reward  for  what 
they  had  done. 

Lord  Durham,  it  is  true,  wished  to  move  forward. 
He  was  a  great  statesman,  with  all  his  faults ;  in 
many  respects,  one  of  the  most  commanding  and 
influential  figures  of  the  stormy  days  before  the 
Reform  Bill  became  a  law.  \w  fact,  its  success  was 
in  no  small  degree  due  to  his  indefatigable  labors. 
Had  he  had  his  way,  the  bill  would  have  been  far 
more  radical  and  republican  in  spirit  and  in  char- 
acter. He  was  the  most  advanced  member  of  Lord 
Grey's  illustrious  cabinet,  and  was  long  regarded 
as  the  hope  of  the  progressive  reformers.  He 
was  brave,  bold,  imperious,  often  passionate  in 
his  outbursts  when  he  felt  that  custom,  law,  or 
man's  selfishness  was  retarding  justice,  or  blocking 
progress. 

But  Lord  Durham  was  not  to  be  the  chosen 
leader  who  should  guide  the  English  nation  forward 

34 


Some  Causes  of  the  Popular  Unrest 

into  a  broader  and  happier  estate.  A  short  time 
after  the  accession  of  the  Queen,  he  was  sent  to 
Canada  to  quell  the  rebellion  which  had  broken  out 
in  that  province.  Here  he  set  out,  as  some  one  has 
observed,  "to  make  or  mar  a  career,  if  not  a  country." 
But  an  evil  fate  pursued  him.  He  builded  wisely  ; 
he  wrought  great  things ;  yet  in  so  doing  he  ruined 
himself.* 

Lord  Durham,  however,  was  far  too  radical  to 
suit  the  majority  of  the  Whigs.  Indeed,  the  Mel- 
bourne cabinet,  which  first  essayed  to  guide  the 
fortunes  of  England  under  Victoria,  was  almost  as 
indifferent  to  the  wrongs  of  the  poor  as  the  Tories 
were  solicitous  for  the  preservation  and  protection 
of  the  ancient  privileges  and  vested  rights  of  the 
landed  gentry.  Hence  throughout  the  kingdom 
the    rising    tide    of   angry    discontent,    which    had 

*  Mr.  McCarthy  admirably  characterizes  Lord  Durham's  labors 
and  their  results  in  the  following  passage : 

"Lord  Durham  made  a  country  and  he  marred  a  career.  He  is 
distinctly  the  founder  of  the  system  which  has  since  worked  with  such 
gratifying  success  in  Canada  ;  he  is  the  founder  even  of  the  principle 
which  allowed  the  quiet  development  of  the  provinces  into  a  confeder- 
ation with  neighbouring  colonies  under  the  name  of  the  Dominion  of 
Canada.  But  the  singular  quality  which  in  home  politics  had  helped 
to  mar  so  much  of  Lord  Durham's  personal  career  was  in  full  work 
during  his  visit  to  Canada.  It  would  not  be  easy  to  find  in  modern 
political  history  so  curious  an  example  of  splendid  success  combined 
with  all  the  appearance  of  utter  and  disastrous  failure.  The  mission 
of  Lord  Durham  saved  Canada.  It  ruined  Lord  Durham."  (**  History 
of  Our  Own  Times,"  Am.  ed.,  vol.  I.,  p.  43.) 

35 


How  England  Averted  a  devolution  of  Fo7xe 

rapidly  increased  during  the  latter  half  of  William's 
reign,  swelled  ominously  as  the  terrible  distress  of 
the  working  classes  in  the  great  cities  grew  during 
the  opening  years  of  Victoria's  rule. 

The  Liberals  had  further  incensed  the  very  poor 
by  the  enactment,  in  1 833,  of  a  new  poor  law,  which 
abolished  outdoor  relief  and  established  workhouses 
for  the  reception  of  the  starving.  By  this  law,  hus- 
bands and  wives  demanding  assistance  were  not  only 
compelled  to  work  (which  in  the  large  majority  of 
cases  they  were  quite  willing  to  do),  but  they  were 
separated,  in  order  that  society  should  not  be  bur- 
dened by  additional  expense  due  to  any  more  chil- 
dren born ;  while  the  little  ones  who  had  already 
come  into  the  world  were  taken  from  their  parents. 
We  can  easily  understand  how  extremely  brutal  this 
statute  appeared  to  be  to  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
the  very  poor,  whose  lives  had  been  spent  in  a  tragic 
battle  for  bread,  and  whose  only  joy  in  existence  lay 
under  the  little  roof  that  sheltered  husband,  wife 
and  children.  The  condition  of  tens  of  thousands 
of  the  working  people  was  so  precarious  that  none 
knew  when  he  might  be  forced  to  ask  for  bread ; 
and  to  know  that  that  asking  would  be  met  by  the 
demand  for  the  breaking-up  of  the  home  and  the 
incarceration  of  its  inmates  in  workhouses  produced 
the  most  bitter  resentment,  and  led  to  many  riots. 

36 


Some  Causes  of  the  Popular  Unrest 

For  generations  a  large  proportion  of  the  working 
people  had  lived  in  constant  fear  of  starvation  and  the 
potter's  field.  Thousands  rarely,  if  ever,  enjoyed 
a  full  meal.  During  the  reform  agitation  they  had 
been  led  to  hope  for  better  things,  and  instead  of 
the  expected  loaf  the  Liberals  had  given  them  a 
stone  in  the  form  of  the  new  poor  bill. 

Another  cause  of  apprehension  and  discontent 
among  the  poor  was  found  in  the  rapid  introduc- 
tion of  machinery,  which  had  already  begun  to  dis- 
place thousands  of  workers.  So  long  as  the  toilers 
had  felt  that  the  employers  were  compelled  to  make 
use  of  their  services,  they  had  had  something  to 
hope  for  in  the  way  of  work ;  but  as  machine  after 
machine  was  introduced,  each  of  which  performed 
the  labor  of  a  number  of  workers,  a  feeling  akin  to 
despair  took  possession  of  a  large  proportion  of  the 
artisan  class  and  goaded  them  to  many  acts  of  vio- 
lence, such  as  breaking  up  the  machinery,  and  in 
other  ways  seeking  to  wreak  vengeance  on  the 
employers  who,  they  felt,  were  attempting  to 
deprive  them  of  the  miserable  pittance  necessary  to 
keep  them  from  the  poorhouse. 

It  was  this  rebellious  spirit,  born  of  a  sense  of 
injustice,  on  the  part  of  tens  of  thousands  of  Eng- 
lish laborers,  and  the  dreadful  suffering  from  over- 
work and  under-pay,  which  prevailed  at  this  time, 

37 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

that  made  the  outlook  peculiarly  dark.  In  all  the 
great  cities  there  were  thousands  of  persons  in  a 
state  of  chronic  hunger.  The  opening  winter  of 
Victoria's  reign  proved  extremely  severe, — a  fact 
that  of  course  greatly  augmented  the  sufferings  of 
the  "  out-of-works."  From  this  time  forth  till  the 
repeal  of  the  Corn  Laws,  the  ominous  specter  of 
Revolution  rose  threateningly  and  in  increasing 
proportions  against  the  political  sky  of  Great 
Britain. 

To  appreciate  properly  the  grievances  of  the  poor 
let  us  glance  for  a  moment  at  their  condition.  In 
the  mining  regions,  for  example,  the  revelations 
brought  out  by  a  parliamentary  investigation  secured 
by  Lord  Ashley  seem  to  us  at  the  present  day 
almost  beyond  belief,  and  are  enough  to  excite  hor- 
ror in  the  mind  of  the  most  easy-going  conven- 
tionalist. 

It  was  shown  by  the  report  of  the  investigation 
that  in  some  of  the  coal  mines  in  England,  in  Scot- 
land, and  in  Wales  children  only  four  years  of  age 
were  set  at  work,  while  in  most  of  the  collieries 
boys  and  girls  on  reaching  five  and  six  years  were 
put  to  laborious  tasks.  These  children,  and  also 
women,  were  made  to  do  all  the  work  of  burden- 
bearing  beasts.  In  many  places  ''the  coal-seams 
were   not    more    than    twenty-two    to   twenty-eight 

38 


Some  Causes  of  the  Popular  Unrest 

inches  in  height,  the  heat  was  intense,  water  was 
constantly  dripping,  frequently  it  lay  deep  over  the 
feet  and  lower  limbs  of  the  workers.  Along  these 
terrible  passages,  for  a  hundred  or  two  hundred 
yards  in  length,  between  the  working-places,  the 
children  and  women  had  to  crawl  along  on  all  fours, 
with  a  girdle  passing  round  their  waists,  and  har- 
nessed by  a  chain  between  their  legs  to  the  carts 
they  were  drawing."  * 

The  testimony  elicited  from  the  workers  by  the 
investigating  committee  was  almost  past  belief. 
Thus,  for  example,  one  poor  woman  said :  "  I  have 
been  in  water  up  to  my  thighs ;  I  go  on  my  hands 
and  feet ;  the  road  is  very  steep  ;  when  there  is  no 
rope  we  have  to  catch  hold  of  anything  we  can ; 
my  clothes  are  wet  through  all  day  long ;  I  have 
drawn  till  I  have  had  the  skin  off  me." 

One  of  the  commissioners  said  :  "  I  found  a  little 
girl,  six  years  of  age,  carrying  half  a  cwt.,  and  making 
regularly  fourteen  long  journeys  a  day.  The  height 
ascended,  and  the  distance  along  the  road,  exceeded 
in  each  journey  the  height  of  St.  Paul's  Cathedral." 
The  children  used  to  work  on  alternate  days,  but 
their  working  day  was  from  sixteen  to  twenty-four 
hours.  "  I  have  repeatedly  worked,"  said  a  girl  of 
seventeen  years  of  age,  "  for  twenty-four  hours." 

*  J.  Franck  Bright,  D.D.,  "  History  of  England,"  vol.  IV.,  p.  89. 

39 


How  England  Averted  a  devolution  of  Force 

The  general  working  day  was  from  fourteen  to 
sixteen  hours.  It  was  further  shown  that  the  men 
in  the  mines  were  absolutely  naked,  and  that  the 
only  clothing  worn  by  the  women  was  a  pair  of 
trousers  made  of  coarse  sacking.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances, it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  decency 
and  modesty  gave  way  to  such  revolting  moral  con- 
ditions that  the  imagination  shrinks  in  horror  from 
their  contemplation,  or  that  all  hope,  joy  and  aspira- 
tion had  abandoned  the  lives  of  these  slaves  of  a 
tragic  fate  and  victims  of  man's  inhumanity. 

The  revelation  of  abuses  of  child-labor  in  the 
factories,  also  brought  about  by  the  laudable  efforts 
of  Lord  Ashley,  were  only  less  disgraceful  than  were 
those  called  forth  by  his  commission  in  its  investi- 
gation of  the  collieries. 

In  the  villages  and  rural  districts,  as  well  as  in  the 
great  cities,  there  was  widespread  misery  among  the 
poor  ;  but  the  suffering  was  most  acute  in  the  manu- 
facturing centers.  The  noble-minded  poet,  Thomas 
Cooper,  has  related  many  typical  instances  that  help 
us  to  understand  the  feeling  of  the  poor.  On  one 
occasion  he  says  that  a  needy  stockinger  rushed  into 
his  house  exclaiming:  "I  wish  they  would  hang  me. 
I  have  lived  on  cold  potatoes  that  were  given  me 
these  two  days,  and  this  morning  I've  eaten  a  raw 

potato  for  sheer  hunger."      On  another  occasion, 

40 


Some  Causes  of  the  Popular  Unrest 

when  an  address  was  being  delivered  by  one  of 
the  Chartists,  a  poor  man  exclaimed:  "Let  us  be 
patient  a  little  longer,  surely  God  Almighty  will 
help  us  soon."  ''  Talk  to  us  no  more  about  thy 
Goddle  Mighty,"  was  the  prompt  retort;  '^ there 
is  n't  one !  If  there  was  one,  He  would  n't  let  us 
suffer  as  we  do!" 

The  pitiable  condition  of  the  poor,  which  was 
so  painfully  apparent  in  all  the  humbler  walks 
of  life,  called  forth  many  impassioned  and  some 
seemingly  intemperate  appeals  from  a  number  of 
the  finest  and  most  sensitive  exponents  of  the 
conscience  of  England.  But  I  know  of  no  descrip- 
tive lines  that  more  simply,  yet  faithfully,  portray 
the  temper  and  feeling  of  the  great  growing  army 
of  discontented  toilers  than  do  the  following  stanzas 
from  Dr.  Charles  Mackay's  poem  entitled  "The 
Cry  of  the  People": 

"Our  backs  are  bowed  with  the  exceeding  weight 

Of  toil  and   sorrow,  and  our  pallid  faces 
Shrivel  before  their  time.      Early  and  late 

We  labour  in  our  old  accustom'd  places, 
Beside  our  close  and  melancholy  looms. 

Or  witiier  in  the  coal-seams  dark  and  dreary, 
Or  breathe  sick  vapours  in  overcrowded  rooms. 

Or  in  the  healthier  fields  dig  till  we  weary, 
And  grow  old  men  ere  we  have  reach'd  our  prime, 
With  scarce  a  wish,  but  death,  to  ask  of  Time. 
41 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

**For  it  is  hard  to  labour  night  and  day, 

With  sleep-defrauded  eyes  and  temples  aching, 
To  earn  the  scanty  crust,  which  fails  to  stay 

The  hunger  of  our  little  ones,  that  waking 
Weep  for  their  daily  bread.      'Tis  hard  to  see 

The  flow' rets  of  our  household  fade  in  sadness. 
In  the  dank  shadow  of  our  misery. 

'T  is  hard  to  have  no  thought  of  human  gladness. 
But  one  engrossing  agony  for  bread. 
To  haunt  us  at  our  toil,  and  in  our  bed. 


<*'Tis  hard  to  know  that  the  increase  of  wealth 

Makes  us  no  richer,  gives  us  no  reliance  ; 
And  that  while  ease,  and  luxury,  and  health 

Follow  the  footsteps  of  advancing  science. 
They  shower  no  benefits  on  us,  cast  out 

From  the  fair  highways  of  the  world,  to  wander 
In  dark  paths  darkly  groping  still  about. 

And  at  each  turn  condemnM  to  rest  and  ponder 
If  living  be  the  only  aim  of  life — 
Mere  living,  purchased  by  perpetual  strife." 


4* 


CHAPTER    II. 

ORIGIN,  PROGRESS,  AND   RESULT  OF 
CHARTISM 

Estimate  of  Movement  —  Reform  Bill  of  1831 — Middle  Classes 
demand  Representation  —  Reform  Necessary  —  Difficulties  in  the 
Way  —  Votes  on  Bill  —  Passage  of  Bill  —  Result  of  Bill  —  Reac- 
tion—  Rise  of  Chartism  —  Its  Demands  —  Its  Spread  —  Conserva- 
tism of  the  Masses  —  The  Reformer  —  Leaders  of  Movement  — 
Unwise  Advocates — How  Chartism  might  have  Succeeded  — 
Indifference  of  Government  —  Opposition  and  Riots  —  A  New 
Influence. 

WE  NOW  come  to  notice  the  birth,  growth 
and  fate  of  that  movement  which  is 
known  in  EngHsh  poHtical  history  as 
"  Chartism."  This  movement,  by  virtue  of  its 
rapid  spread  no  less  than  of  its  revolutionary  and 
aggressive  spirit,  caused  widespread  alarm  in  Eng- 
land ;  it  also  served  an  excellent  purpose  in  hasten- 
ing the  repeal  of  the  Corn  Laws  and  the  enactment 
of  salutary  reform  statutes  that,  without  such  stim- 
ulus, would  probably  have  been  delayed.  But 
besides,  above  and  beyond  this,  it  kept  so  promi- 
nently before  the  people  the  larger  demands  of  the 

43 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

age  that  the  duties  and  responsibilities  that  a  gov- 
ernment owes  to  all  its  citizens  became  fixed  ideas 
in  the  minds  of  millions  of  workers  who,  before  the 
Reform-Bill  agitation,  had  taken  but  little  interest 
in  public  affairs.  Moreover,  it  aided  in  no  small 
degree  in  bringing  the  popular  imagination  under 
the  influence  of  the  spirit  of  democracy,  thus  fur- 
thering the  progressive  enlargement  of  the  rights  of 
the  citizens  that  has  been  one  of  the  distinguishing 
characteristics  of  the  Victorian  era. 

To  comprehend  the  aim  and  hope  of  Chartism, 
it  will  be  necessary  to  review  briefly  the  history  of 
the  Reform  Bill  of  i83i-'32,  and  also  to  notice  the 
essential  features  of  that  great  measure  which  marked 
an  epoch  iu  "English  constitutional  history;  as  it 
was  largely  the  success  of  the  Reform-Bill  agitation 
that  revealed  to  the  breadwinners  of  England  the 
power  that,  under  certain  conditions,  they  might 
wield  in  shaping  legislation.  The  bill  itself  sug- 
gested the  next  step,  which,  when  taken,  would  give 
also  to  the  artisan  class  that  substantial  representa- 
tion in  government  which  they  fondly  believed 
would  speedily  bring  about  just  and  beneficent  con- 
ditions for  the  poor. 

At  the  outset,  in  order  to  appreciate  the  philo- 
sophical basis  of  Chartism,  we  should  keep  in  mind 
the  larger  life  that  the  French  Revolution  had  sug- 

44 


Origin,  Progress,  and  Result  of  Chartism 

gested  to  the  people  of  England,  and  the  equally 
important  fact  that  the  rise  of  democracy  on  the 
Continent  threatened  not  only  the  demolition  of 
thrones,  but  also  the  destruction  of  the  aristocracy. 
It  would  be  difficult  to  exaggerate  the  consternation 
of  the  English  aristocracy  caused  by  the  French 
Revolution  and,  later,  by  the  victorious  march  of 
the  Corsican,  who,  though  not  a  republican,  was 
nevertheless  the  enemy  of  aristocracy  and  the 
destroyer  of  the  old  order.  To  preserve  the 
supremacy  of  aristocratic  rule  it  was  necessary  to 
secure  the  general  support  of  the  middle  classes. 
Their  wealth,  no  less  than  their  aid  in  other  ways, 
saved  England;  but  with  peace  and^a  huge  debt 
incurred  in  prosecuting  the  war,  the  aristocracy  was 
confronted  by  a  new  and  unwelcome  demand.  The 
middle  classes  who  had  contributed  so  largely  to  the 
preservation  of  the  old  form  of  government  in 
England,  now  imperiously  demanded  substantial 
representation  in  her  halls  of  legislation.  It  soon 
became  apparent,  however,  that  the  reform  agitation 
had  but  little  prospect  of  success  without  the  aid  of 
the  toiling  millions  ;  and  to  them  the  middle  class 
appealed.  "  It  was  not,  however,"  observes  Mr. 
Gammage,  ''  without  the  promise  of  substantial 
advantages  that  the  middle  class  succeeded  in  win- 
ning the  cooperation  of  the  masses,  who  were  them- 

45 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

selves  looking  forward  to  an  extension  of  political 
power.  .  .  .  The  middle  class  persuaded  them  for 
a  season  to  forego  their  more  extensive  claims,  in 
order  the  more  effectually  to  secure  them  ultimately. 
'Aid  us/  said  they,  *  in  gaining  the  Reform  Bill,  and 
as  soon  as  we  are  enfranchised  we  will  make  use  of 
our  power  in  assisting  you  to  the  attainment  of  your 
rights.'  "  * 

On  the  death  of  George  IV.,  which  occurred  on 
June  26,  1830,  the  social  conditions  of  England 
were  such  as  occasioned  great  uneasiness  in  govern- 
ment circles.  The  illiberal  spirit  of  the  Tory  gov- 
ernment under  the  Duke  of  Welhngton,  the  increas- 
ing unpopularity  of  the  late  King,  the  widespread 
sufferings  of  the  poor  throughout  country  and  city, 
the  vigorous  assaults  of  the  more  liberal  of  the  Whig 
members  of  the  aristocracy  and  of  the  middle  classes 
upon  the  time-honored  rule  of  the  aristocracy,  the 
rapid  growth  of  revolutionary  literature,  the  pres- 
ence of  large  numbers  of  agitators  among  the  poor, 
the  frequent  outbreaks  of  mobs  in  the  manufactur- 
ing districts  where  machines  were  destroyed,  and  an 
epidemic  of  rick-burning  in  southern  England  that 
even  the  apprehension  and  hanging  of  a  number  of 
persons  charged  with  the   offence    failed  to  check, 

*R.  G.  Gammage,  **  History  of  the  Chartist  Movement,"  p.  3. 
46 


Origin^  Progress^  and  Result  of  Chartism 

were  ominous  signs  of  the  times  when  William  IV. 
ascended  the  throne. 

The  parliamentary  election  of  1830  had  resulted 
in  a  substantial  Liberal  victory.  The  general 
demand  for  a  radical  reform  in  government,  which 
should  abolish  the  rotten  boroughs  and  also  secure 
for  the  middle  class  influential  representation  in 
Parliament,  had  been  strongly  emphasized  in  this 
election.  H  ence  there  was  great  excitement  through- 
out the  realm  when  Parliament  assembled,  on 
the  second  of  November,  1830,  to  hear  the  mes- 
sage of  the  new  King.  Not  a  few  expected  that 
the  Duke  of  Wellington  would  be  promptly  retired, 
and  that  Lord  Grey,  the  leader  of  the  reform 
wing  of  the  Whig  party,  would  be  summoned  to 
form  a  ministry. 

The  King,  however,  ignored  the  popular  demand. 
The  speech  from  the  throne  was  a  bitter  disappoint- 
ment to  the  people,  being  ultra-conservative  in  tone. 
The  Duke  of  Wellington  remained  at  the  head  of 
the  cabinet ;  and  in  answer  to  a  suggestion  of  Lord 
Grey's  looking  toward  taking  up  the  matter  of  the 
reform,  he  made  the  amazing  statement  that  in  his 
opinion  the  present  legislative  system  possessed  the 
confidence  of  the  country,  and  that  he  was  not  pre- 
pared to  favor  any  reform.  The  duke  furthermore 
positively  asserted  that,  "  as  long  as   he  held  any 

47 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

station  in  the  government  of  the  country,  he  should 
always  feel  it  his  duty  to  resist  such  measures  when 
proposed  by  others." 

But  the  Liberal  party  was  in  no  mood  for  acqui- 
escing in  the  Bourbon  programme  of  the  Conserva- 
tives, and  Lord  Brougham  immediately  gave  notice 
that  he  should  propose  a  motion  for  reform  on  the 
sixteenth  of  November.  As  the  house  was  over- 
whelmingly Liberal,  there  was  no  question  but  the 
government  would  be  defeated ;  but  before  the  date 
set  for  the  motion  the  Tory  ministry  had  sent  in  its 
resignation,  and  Lord  Grey  was  charged  with  the 
duty  of  forming  a  new  cabinet. 

The  difficulties  that  confronted  the  new  ministry 
were  very  great,  a  fact  that  became  apparent  imme- 
diately on  the  introduction  of  the  Reform  Bill.  A 
large  number  of  the  seats  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons were  filled  by  members  who  represented  nomi- 
nation or  "  rotten  "  boroughs  ;  naturally  enough, 
these  members  were  indisposed  to  vote  for  a  measure 
that  contained  as  a  cardinal  provision  the  abolition 
of  their  seats.  The  Tory  press  denounced  the 
proposed  reforms  as  revolutionary ;  the  Radicals 
were  indignant  because  they  were  so  conservative. 
The  House  of  Lords  was  overwhelmingly  opposed 
to  the  bill,  and  there  was  a  general  insistence  on  the 
part  of  the  Tories  that  the  riots  and  other  expres- 

48 


Origin,  Progress,  and  Result  of  Chartism 

sions  of  lawlessness  which  had  marked  the  recent 
months  were  due  largely  to  the  reform  agitation, 
and  that,  if  the  demands  of  the  reformers  should 
once  be  granted,  it  would  so  encourage  the  poor  that 
they  would  break  out  in  a  ruinous  and  disastrous 
revolution.  The  refusal  of  the  Liberal  ministry  to 
adopt  any  especially  drastic  measures  for  suppress- 
ing the  revolutionary  and  aggressive  bodies  that 
were  forming  all  over  England  was  further  used  to 
alarm  capitalists  and  the  conservative  element  of 
society  by  the  upholders  of  the  old  regime. 

"It  was  scarcely  to  be  expected,'*  says  Mr.  Bright, 
"that  of  its  own  free  will  the  House  of  Commons 
should  accept  a  bill  which  must  exclude  many  of 
its  members  from  their  seats  ;  it  was  as  the  spokes- 
men of  a  great  national  wish  that  the  ministers 
regarded  themselves,  and  they  intended  to  rely  upon 
the  nation  for  their  support.  Not  only  did  they 
therefore  refrain  from  any  exceptional  measures  for 
the  suppression  of  disturbance,  they  also  allowed  to 
pass  unquestioned  the  legality  of  the  numerous 
political  unions  which,  following  the  example  of  the 
Union  of  Birmingham  .  .  .  had  sprung  into  exis- 
tence all  over  England,  and  which  aimed  at  bring- 
ing into  some  sort  of  harmony  the  demands  of  the 
wealthy  and  poorer  classes.  The  ministry  had  in 
fact  determined  to  use  all  expressions  of  the  national 

4  49 


How  England  Averted  a  'Revolution  of  Force 

temper,  even  when  verging  upon  breaches  of  the 
Constitution,  to  forward  what  they  conceived  to  be 
the  great  healing  measure  which  the  evils  of  the 
times  demanded.  The  struggle  thus  assumed  a  far 
more  dignified  form  than  that  of  an  ordinary  politi- 
cal question.  In  its  first  stage  it  was  the  people,  as 
usual  with  aristocratic  leaders,  who  demanded  and 
insisted  upon  their  will  being  heard  by  the  Lower 
House.  When  that  House  had  been  reconstituted, 
and  become  favorable  to  the  popular  claims,  it  was 
the  people  speaking  by  the  voice  of  their  constitu- 
tionally chosen  representatives,  supported  by  an 
irresistible  and  probably  unconstitutional  action 
from  without,  which  engaged  in  a  life  and  death 
struggle  with  the  aristocracy,  clinging  tenaciously  to 
their  ancient  privileges."  * 

The  leaders  of  the  Radical  element  came  early  to 
an  appreciation  of  the  difficulties  under  which  Lord 
Grey  and  his  associates  were  laboring.  They  also 
realized  that  the  work  which  he  had  set  out  to  per- 
form was  a  necessary  first  step  to  the  wider  repre- 
sentation that  they  hoped  would  shortly  follow. 
Hence  they  set  at  work  with  laudable  zeal  to  bring 
all  the  artisan  class  and  the  associations  of  the 
workers    into    hearty    sympathy    with    the    reform 

*J.  Franck  Bright,  D.D.,  "History  of  England,"  vol.  III., 
pp.  1424-1425. 

50 


Origin,  Progress,  and  Result  of  Chartism 

ministry  ;  and  the  cry,  "  The  Bill,  and  nothing  but 
the  Bill !  '*  soon  rang  throughout  the  length  and 
breadth  of  the  realm.  "  Many  of  the  political 
unions,"  observes  Mr.  Bright,  "  came  to  the  formal 
determination  that,  if  necessary,  they  would  refrain 
from  paying  taxes,  and  would  even  march  to  Lon- 
don ;  they  issued  lists  showing  the  numbers  on 
which  they  could  count,  and  it  began  to  be  plain 
that,  if  constitutional  means  failed,  the  Bill  would 
be  carried  by  unconstitutional  pressure."  * 

When  the  matter,  however,  was  brought  to  a  test 
in  the  House  the  ministry  was  discredited  and 
resigned.  The  King  refused  to  accept  the  resigna- 
tion, while  still  urging  the  ministry  not  to  appeal  to 
the  country.  Lord  Grey  was  thus  placed  in  an 
extremely  embarrassing  position.  He  did  not  wish 
to  arouse  the  enmity  of  the  King,  who  was  begin- 
ning to  appear  favorable  to  the  reform,  while  it  was 
well-nigh  impossible  for  him  to  proceed  with  a  Par- 
liament antagonistic  to  the  cause  for  which  he  stood. 
The  difficulty  however  was  happily  overcome  by  the 
ill-advised  action  of  the  Tories,  who  addressed  an 
appeal  to  the  King  in  which  they  admonished  him 
not  to  dissolve  Parliament.  This  was  resented  by 
William  as  an  effort  to  dictate  to  the  throne,  and  he 
forthwith  ordered  a  new  election.     The  appeal  to 

*  Ibid.y  p.   1426. 

51 


How  Fjjigland  Averted  a  'Revolution  of  Force 

the  country  resulted  in  an  overwhelming  victory  for 
the  Liberals. 

The  bill  was  now  pushed  forward  in  spite  of  the 
irritating  tactics  of  the  Opposition,  who  stubbornly 
contested  every  detail,  and  on  the  twenty-first  of 
September,  1831,  a  final  vote  on  the  measure 
resulted  in  its  passing  the  House  by  a  majority  of 
one  hundred  and  nine.  It  was  at  once  sent  to  the 
Peers,  where  it  was  unceremoniously  thrown  out  by 
a  majority  of  forty-one.  The  Commons,  however, 
immediately  passed  a  vote  of  confidence  in  the  min- 
istry, which  prevented  its  resignation. 

Throughout  the  nation  the  greatest  indignation 
prevailed,  and  riots  occurred  at  various  points.  The 
unions  in  many  cities  became  very  defiant,  and  plans 
were  made  for  a  monster  meeting  that  clearly  indi- 
cated a  revolutionary  outbreak.  The  King  became 
greatly  alarmed.  The  specter  of  the  French  Revo- 
lution rose  before  him,  and  he  urged  his  ministers 
to  take  prompt  action  for  quelling  the  threatened 
insurrection.  As  the  hope  of  the  Reform  Bill  now 
seemed  to  lie  in  retaining  the  good-will  of  the  King, 
and  in  persuading  him  to  create  a  sufficient  number 
of  peers  favorable  to  the  measure  to  overcome  the 
opposition,  the  ministry  acted  in  a  summary  man- 
ner by  issuing  a  proclamation,  on  the  twenty-second 
of  November,  suppressing  certain  political  clubs. 


Origin,  Progress,  and  Result  of  Chartism 

Again  the  battle  had  to  be  fought  in  the  Com- 
mons;  and  on  the  twenty-third  of  March,  1832, 
the  bill  was  again  passed,  this  time  by  a  majority  of 
one  hundred  and  sixteen.  Its  reception  in  the 
House  of  Lords  was  somewhat  more  civil  than  that 
which  had  marked  its  previous  entrance,  and  for  a 
time  it  seemed  as  if  the  Peers,  frightened  at  the 
threat  of  an  increase  in  their  numbers,  would  yield 
to  the  clearly  expressed  wishes  of  the  nation.  At 
the  last  moment,  however,  the  King  was  won  over 
by  the  Tories  and  refused  to  entertain  the  proposi- 
tion of  creating  more  peers.  The  Conservatives 
had  convinced  him  that  by  bold  repressive  and 
coercive  measures  he  could  better  curb  the  rising 
tide  of  discontent  than  by  yielding  to  the  popular 
demand.  The  bill  was  rejected  on  the  seventh  of 
May,  and  Lord  Grey  resigned.  His  resignation 
was  promptly  accepted  by  the  King  and  the  Duke 
of  Wellington  attempted  to  form  a  conservative 
ministry. 

But  the  day  for  coercing  the  English  people  had 
passed.  The  country  was  moved  by  an  indignation 
greater  than  had  been  popularly  manifested  in  many 
years.  The  papers  came  out  in  mourning.  Peti- 
tions asking  that  no  supplies  be  granted  till  the  bill 
was  passed  were  signed  by  thousands  and  sent  to 
London,   *' where    they  were  joyfully  received   by 

53 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

the  House  of  Commons.  The  great  Birmingham 
Union  made  preparations  to  march  to  London  200,- 
000  strong,  and  encamp  on  Hampstead  Heath."  * 

But,  what  was  still  more  startling  to  the  King  and 
the  Conservatives,  was  the  fact,  v/hich  was  soon  made 
clear  to  the  Iron  Duke,  that  the  militia  could  no 
longer  be  depended  upon.  The  army  as  well  as 
the  people  was  in  sympathy  with  the  popular 
demand.  The  Duke  of  Wellington  found  it  impos- 
sible to  form  a  ministry,  or  to  carry  forward  his 
cherished  plan  of  coercion.  It  had  also  become  clear 
to  the  Lords  that  either  their  opposition  must  be 
withdrawn,  or  the  measure  would  be  carried  through 
the  creation  of  a  number  of  Liberal  peers,  inasmuch 
as  the  King  had  come  to  recognize,  as  well  as  did 
the  foremost  statesmen  of  the  time,  that  revolution 
could  be  averted  only  by  yielding  to  the  nation's 
desire.  On  the  King's  addressing  a  letter  to  the 
Peers  urging  them  to  withdraw  their  opposition,  the 
Duke  of  Wellington  and  a  hundred  other  lords 
withdrew  from  the  Chamber,  whereupon  a  vote  on 
the  measure  was  taken  that  resulted  in  its  passage 
by  a  large  majority. 

By  the  provisions  of  the  Reform  Bill  fifty  "rot- 
ten "  boroughs  containing  less  than  two  thousand 
inhabitants  each  were  at  once   abolished,  and    one 

*J.  Franck Bright,  D.D.,  "  History  of  England,"  vol.  Ill,,  p.  1430. 

54 


Origin^  Progress,  and  Result  of  Chartism 

hundred  and  eleven  seats  declared  vacant.  The 
representation  in  other  boroughs  was  reduced  by 
the  abolition  of  thirty-two  seats.  There  were  there- 
fore one  hundred  and  forty-three  seats  to  be  dis- 
posed of,  and  these  were  given  to  the  cities,  towns 
and  counties.  The  middle  class  thus  received  a 
substantial  representation  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons. A  reform  looking  toward  uniformity  in  the 
franchise  was  another  important  feature  of  this  bill, 
which  was  in  many  respects  the  most  momentous 
and  epoch-marking  measure  in  the  political  history 
of  England  since  the  revolution  of  1688,  "which 
established  the  superiority  of  Parliament  as  a  whole 
and  its  predominance  over  the  Royal  power." 

This  measure  introduced  a  new  class  into  the 
administration  of  the  government.  The  aristocracy, 
which  had  heretofore  been  dominant,  was  now 
forced  to  share  legislative  prerogatives  with  the  mid-; 
die  class,  which  through  the  rapid  advance  in  man- 
ufacture, commerce  and  general  business  conditions 
had  become  a  most  important  factor  in  the  national 
life.  "  Its  victory,"  says  Mr.  Bright,  "  had  been 
secured  by  a  twofold  alliance.  On  the  one  hand  it 
had  taken  advantage  of  the  real  wants  of  tlie  cTasses 
below  it,  and  of  the  social_ideas  which  had  been 
called  into  existence ^y  the  French  Revolution;  it 
had  not  scrupled  to  employ  the  modern  arts  of  agi- 

55 


How  Englmid  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

tation,  or  to  bring  what  cannot  be  regarded  in  any 
other  light  than  as  unconstitutional  pressure  to  bear 
upon  Parliament.  On  the  other  hand  it  had  worked 
constitutionally  by  an  alliance  with  one  of  the  gov- 
erning classes,  namely,  the  Whigs."  * 

After  the  passage  of  the  Reform  Bill  came  the 
reaction  that  was  sure  to  follow,  when  the  extrava- 
gant hopes  that  had  been  fostered  in  the  mind  of 
the  toilers  during  the  exciting  campaign  of  1 83 1  and 
1 832  were  not  realized.  The  great  army  of  thought- 
ful artisans,  who  had  accepted  the  Reform  Bill  as 
the  first  step  and  looked  confidently  to  the  Liberals 
to  take  up  their  cause  after  that  measure  had  been 
enacted,  were  bitterly  disappointed  on  finding  that 
their  recent  allies  resolutely  refused  to  agitate  for 
further  extension  of  popular  representation.  Their 
position  in  this  respect,  together  with  the  passage 
of  a  stringent  coercion  bill  for  Ireland,  and  of  the 
still  more  odious  Poor  Bill,  which  applied  to  the 
entire  realm  and  of  which  we  have  spoken,  soon 
made  the  Liberal  ministry  as  heartily  hated  by  the 
artisans  as  had  been  the  Tory  ministry  under  the 
Duke  of  Wellington  in  the  reign  of  George  IV. 

The  death  of  William  IV.  in  the  early  summer 
of  1837  was  followed  by  the  accession  of  Victoria ; 
but,  as  the  ministry  remained  at  the  helm,  no  favor- 

*J.  Franck  Bright,  D.D.,  <*  History  of  England,"  vol.  III.,  p.  143a. 

56 


Origin y  Progress y  and  Result  of  Chartism 

able  change  in  legislation  could  be  reasonably 
expected.  The  severity  of  the  winter  of  183  7-^3  8 
added  greatly  to  the  general  restlessness,  and  to  the 
revolutionary  sentiment  that  was  fermenting  in  the 
minds  of  the  workingmen.  It  was  also  a  period  of 
great  business  depression.  There  were  tens  of 
thousands  of  laborers  vainly  seeking  employment, 
while  the  duty  on  corn  kept  up  the  price  of  bread. 
Under  such  circumstances  it  was  inevitable  that  a 
vigorous  political  party  of  protest  should  arise, 
especially  as  the  poor  had  become  convinced  that 
but  little  could  be  hoped  for  from  the  two  lead- 
ing  political  bodies. 

In  the  metropolis  there  had  existed  for  some  time 
a  growing  body  of  artisans  who  had  assumed  the 
name  of  the  "  Workingmen's  Association."  *  It 
was  under  the  able  leadership  of  one  William 
Lovett,  an  earnest  and  single-minded  worker  who 
possessed  far  more  inteUigence  and  discernment  than 
did  most  of  his  companions.  This  association  was 
for  a  time  strongly  encouraged  by  a  group  of  the 
most  radical    Liberals  in  the  House  of  Commons; 

*The  Workingmen's  Association  was  one  of  a  number  of  demo- 
cratic clubs  that  were  formed  at  about  this  time.  They  resembled  in 
many  respects  the  Socialists  of  our  day.  The  fundamental  idea  of 
the  association  wns  well  expressed  in  the  following  motto,  which 
appeared  at  the  bottom  of  the  membership  card :  "The  man  who 
evades  his  share  of  useful  labour  diminishes  the  public  stock  of  wealtli 
and  throws  his  own  burdens  upon  his  neighbour." 

57 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

indeed  the  committee  that  framed  the  "  People's 
Charter"  was  composed  of  members  of  ParHament, 
and  of  members  of  the  Workingmen's  Association. 
This  group  however  withdrew  soon  from  all  partici- 
pation in  the  movement,  and  most  of  them  became 
actively  opposed  to  the  Chartists.  The  name  Char- 
ter was  given  by  Daniel  O'Connell,  who,  when 
handing  the  draft  of  the  manifesto  to  the  secretary 
of  the  association,  said :  "  Here,  Lovett,  is  your 
charter.  Agitate  for  it,  and  never  be  contented 
with  anything  less."  Its  demands  were  briefly  as 
follows:  (i)  Universal  suffrage.  (2)  Annual  par- 
liaments. (3)  Vote  by  ballot.  (4)  No  property 
qualification.  (5)  Payment  of  members.  (6)  Divi- 
sion of  the  country  into  equal  electoral  districts. 

With  the  charter  in  hand,  the  association  set  out 
to  unite  industrial  England  in  one  great  educational 
campaign  looking  toward  a  political  revolution  simi- 
lar to  that  accomplished  for  the  middle  class  by  the 
Reform  Bill.  A  well-known  Radical  named  Henry 
Hetherington  was  deputed  to  go  from  city  to  city 
and  organize  the  associations.  He  was  an  excellent 
man  for  the  work,  being  clear-sighted,  intelligent, 
and  by  nature  well  qualified  to  bring  men  holding 
ideas  in  common  into  one  compact  group  ;  and  he 
found  the  soil  ready  for  his  seed  wherever  he  jour- 
neyed.     The   "  People's  Charter  "  embodied  in  so 

58 


Origin^  Progress,  and  Result  of  Chartism 

large  a  way  the  general  ideas  abroad  in  the  mind  of 
the  artisan  class  that  the  movement  grew  with  great 
rapidity. 

The  nobler  leaders  of  Chartism  were  in  the 
truest  sense  prophets.  They  became  the  articulate 
voice  of  the  suffering  thousands  of  England,  after 
the  latter  had  been  driven  by  misery  from  a  condi- 
tion of  apathy  to  something  akin  to  a  revolutionary 
state. 

And  just  here  it  may  well  be  observed  that  the 
rank  and  file  of  a  nation  are,  save  in  very  rare 
instances,  ultra-conservative.  Indeed,  they  not 
infrequently  shrink  from  anything  that  savors  of  a 
radical  or  revolutionary  character  far  more  than  do 
the  leaders  of  thought.  This  is  doubtless  due 
largely  to  their  having  been  long  accustomed  to  look 
unquestioningly  to  those  in  authority.  They  think 
the  thoughts  after  their  masters.  Man  is  primarily 
a  creature  of  habit ;  and  nowhere  do  we  find  the 
chains  of  custom  more  firmly  riveted  than  upon  the 
masses,  whose  lack  of  leisure  for  thought  has 
deprived  them  of  the  power  of  quickly  and  clearly 
grasping  problems  in  their  full  significance.  As  a 
rule,  they  venerate  the  past  and  bow  before  law 
rather  than  follow  justice  or  right.  Hence  they 
will  endure  wrongs,  oppression  and  injustice  for 
years,  for  decades,  not  infrequently  for  generations, 

59 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

after  the  clear-sighted  apostles  of  progress  and  of 
humanity  have  been  forced,  by  a  quickened  con- 
science and  by  an  overmastering  passion  for  the 
happiness  and  welfare  of  the  burdened  ones,  to  cry 
aloud  and  to  ceaselessly  labor  for  the  rescue  of 
those  who  have  fallen  under  the  wheel. 

The  prophet  becomes  a  voice  for  those  who  can- 
not make  their  own  cry  heard,  because  he  knows 
within  his  own  soul  that  it  is  his  duty  to  do  so — and 
to  him  duty  is  divine.  He  may  realize  that  his 
message  will  be  unappreciated  ;  he  may  know  full 
well  that  in  all  probability  he  will  be  compelled  to 
sacrifice  ease,  comfort,  the  applause  of  the  world, 
and  what  men  in  this  age  of  gain  call  success  ;  but 
there  is  within  an  imperious  voice  that  v/ill  not  be 
denied,  and  that  insists  upon  his  crying  aloud  and 
sparing  not,  be  results  what  they  may.  He  prefers 
the  road  to  Calvary  to  ease  in  the  palace  of  the 
high  priest.  The  garret,  the  cell,  or  the  gallows  is 
to  him  better  than  wealth,  ease,  and  luxury,  if  by 
his  life  and  his  word  he  can  further  the  cause  of  jus- 
tice, lift  man  to  nobler  heights,  or  increase  the  happi- 
ness of  those  whose  existence  is  filled  with  bitterness. 
He  feels  the  force  of  Lov/ell's  lines  : 

**  Truth  forever  on  the  scaffold,  Wrong  forever  on  the  throne, — 
Yet  that  scaffold  sways  the  future,  and,  behind  the  dim  unknown, 
Standeth  God  within  the  shadow,  keeping  watch  above  his  own." 

60 


Origin^  Progress^  and  Result  of  Chartism 

The  apostle  of  progress  and  of  humanity,  though 
he  be  despised  in  his  day,  lives  not  in  vain.  His 
words  are  seeds  that,  slow  in  germinating  though 
they  may  be,  do  in  time  take  root ;  for  no  fact  in 
hfe  is  more  certain  than  that  the  scaffold  (in  the 
sense  in  v/hich  Lowell  uses  the  term)  sways  the 
future.  The  garret,  the  prison  and  the  gallows 
become  as  Gethsemane,  the  judgment-hall  and 
Calvary — holy  places,  because  they  have  witnessed 
the  struggle  of  the  divine  with  the  flesh,  in  supreme 
and  crucial  hours  of  Hfe  when  for  the  good  of 
others,  or  for  the  triumph  of  a  Truth  upon  whose 
estabhshment  Justice  and  Happiness  wait,  man  has 
sacrificed  those  things  in  life  that  the  world  holds 
most  dear. 

In  the  Chartist  movement,  which  seemed  to 
accomplish  so  little,  but  in  reality  wrought  so  much  . 
in  leavening  public  opinion  and  in  educating  indus — ylC^ 
trial  England,  we  find  a  band  of  prophet-souls 
among  whom  were  William  Lovett,  Dr.  John  Tay- 
lor, Ebenezer  Elliott,  Gerald  Massey,  and  Canon 
Charles  Kingsley — who  on  one  occasion  character- 
ized himself  as  "  a  Church  of  England  parson  and 
a  Chartist."  Though  most  of  these  champions  of 
progress  and  of  human  brotherhood,  and  some 
other  leaders,  were  men  of  wisdom  and  judgment, 
the  movement  unhappily  brought  to  the  front  sev- 

6i 


How  England  Ave7'ted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

eral  agitators  and  orators  of  a  far  different  character 
— men  who  were  wanting  in  philosophical  discern- 
ment, and  that  calm  mental  faculty  which  enables 
even  the  most  sympathetic  and  loving  natures  to  act 
with  wisdom  when  mere  emotionalism  would  lead  to 
passionate  outbreaks  and  ill-considered  deeds. 

Of  these  inconsiderate  advocates  the  most  con- 
spicuous was  J.  R.  Stephens,  a  clergyman  of 
undoubted  integrity  and  a  passionate  lover  of  the 
race,  but  wholly  unfitted  for  leading  wisely  great 
masses  of  uneducated  people.  Henry  Vincent, 
Feargus  O'Connor,  James  Bronterre  O'Brien, Ernest 
Jones,  and  John  Frost  may  also  be  named  as  master 
spirits  in  the  movement, — all  men  of  much  ability, 
but  lacking  in  the  qualities  most  needed  for  the 
successful  advancement  of  such  a  cause. 

Seldom  has  a  great,  just  and  good  cause  been  so 
injured  by  its  sincere  friends  as  was  Chartism  by 
those  leaders  who  allowed  their  emotions  to  obscure 
the  lessons  of  history  and  the  dictates  of  sober 
judgment.  Most  of  these  men  were  gifted  with 
eloquence  and  the  power  of  profoundly  moving 
masses  of  men.  They  had  either  felt  the  curse  of 
poverty  themselves,  or  were  thoroughly  conversant 
with  the  pitiable  conditions  around  them  ;  but,  being 
without  any  comprehensive  grasp  upon  the  teach- 
ings  of  the  past  and  so  ignorant  of  the  folly  of 

62 


Origin,  Progress,  and  Result  of  Chartism 

inflaming  the  passions  of  vast  multitudes  of  men 
who  know  but  little  or  nothing  of  the  essential  issues 
involved,  they  persisted  in  appeals  to  the  feelings 
of  the  poor,  instead  of  inculcating  that  knowledge 
of  social  conditions  and  of  the  fundamental  demands 
of  justice  and  human  rights  which  would  have  served 
to  draw  the  people  to  the  cause  by  intelligence,  and 
made  the  principles  of  Chartism  so  dear  to  the  hearts 
of  tens  of  thousands  that  they  would  have  been 
willing  to  make  great  sacrifices  for  it. 

Had  this  been  done,  the  wise  attempt  made  later 
to  induce  the  people  to  patronize  in  trade  only  those 
in  sympathy  with  them,  and  to  deny  themselves 
whenever  it  was  impossible  to  make  purchases 
except  by  enriching  those  who  were  unfriendly  to 
the  movement, — in  other  words,  to  use  the  term  of 
a  later  date,  to  boycott  their  opponents, — would  have 
succeeded.  Chartism  would  have  then  taken  on  a 
moral  dignity  that  would  have  exerted  a  far-reaching 
effect,  awakening  sympathy  and  drawing  to  its 
standard  thousands  through  the  influence  that  exhi- 
bitions of  moral  heroism  and  self-sacrifice  ever  exert ; 
while  on  the  other  hand  it  would  have  shown  the 
government  that  this  vast  army  of  law-abiding  and 
law-loving  citizens  had  become  so  enamored  of  a 
great  cause  that  its  fundamental  and  just  demands 
must  be  recognized,  or  sooner  or  later  the  govern- 

63 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

ment  itself  would  suffer  from  ignoring  the  awakened 
and  intelligent  conscience  of  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  citizens.  The  cause  of  Chartism  in  its  earlier 
stages  was  also,  undoubtedly,  greatly  injured  by  the 
veiled  threats  against  the  government,  and  the  boasts 
of  vengeance  if  the  cause  of  the  people  should  be 
ignored,  that  characterized  the  harangues  of  many 
of  the  leaders. 

For  a  time  the  government  ignored  the  great 
meetings  that  were  being  held  by  the  Chartists 
throughout  the  realm,  even  though  it  w^as  repeatedly 
appealed  to  by  the  capitalist  classes  in  the  great 
cities.  In  a  notable  address  delivered  by  Lord  John 
Russell,  at  Liverpool,  in  the  autumn  of  1838,  the 
Liberal  statesman  met  the  demand  of  the  property- 
owners  for  the  suppression  of  the  popular  meetings 
by  declaring  that  he  held  that  the  people  had  a  right 
to  meet.  "  If,''  he  asserted,  "  they  have  no  griev- 
ances, common  sense  v^^ill  speedily  come  to  the  res- 
cue and  put  an  end  to  their  meetings.  It  is  not 
from  free  discussion,  it  is  not  from  the  unchecked 
declaration  of  public  opinion,  that  governments  have 
anything  to  fear.  There  is  fear  when  men  are  driven 
by  force  to  secret  combination.  There  is  the  fear, 
there  is  the  danger,  and  not  in  free  discussion." 

At  length,  however,  after  a  national  convention 
of  Chartists   had  assembled  and  there   was  every- 

64 


Origin,  Progress,  and  Result  of  Chartism 

where  throughout  the  realm  evidence  of  the  con- 
tinued growth  of  the  movement,  while  in  town, 
village  and  hamlet  petitions  to  parliament  were  being 
circulated  and  freely  signed,  the  government  changed 
its  attitude.  Stephens  and  others  were  arrested. 
Next  torchlight  processions  were  forbidden.  The 
poor  became  greatly  excited,  but  the  leaders  for  the 
most  part  counseled  moderation  and  strict  obser- 
vance of  the  law. 

Parliament  assembled,  and  Mr.  Attwood  intro- 
duced a  monster  petition  containing  1,200,000 
signatures  *  praying  for  relief  for  the  people  by 
the  adoption  of  the  principles  set  forth  in  the 
Charter,  f  The  petition  was  promptly  rejected 
by  Parliament. 

At  about  this  time  the  mayor  of  Birmingham, 
aided  by  a  number  of  metropolitan  police  sent 
thither  for  the  purpose,  attempted  to  break  up  a 
great  Chartist  meeting  and  precipitated  a  bloody 
riot.     A  few  days    later,  when   a    motion    by  Mr. 

*J.  Franck  Bright,  D.D.,  <' History  of  England,"  vol.  IV.,  p.  45. 

-j-  The  progress  that  England  has  made  along  the  line  of  the  demo- 
cratic ideal  is  very  strikingly  illustrated  when  we  compare  the  con- 
temptuous rejection  by  Parliament  of  this  petition  and  of  others  like  it, 
bearing  hundreds  of  thousands  and  sometimes  millions  of  signatures, 
with  the  present  attitude  of  the  English  government  toward  the  work- 
ing classes.  Lest  the  reader  should  suppose  that  the  petitions  were 
violent,  incendiary  or  ill-considered,  and  that  their  demands  were 
unreasonable,  I  reproduce  this  petition  in  full,  in  Section  III.  of  the 
Appendix. 

5  65 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

Attwood  that  the  petition  be  referred  to  a  select 
committee  was  overwhelmingly  defeated  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  great  riots  occurred  in  Bir- 
mingham and  in  Newport.  From  that  day  Chartism 
waged  a  hopeless  battle,  in  so  far  as  securing  any 
immediate  recognition  of  the  demands  of  the  Char- 
ter from  Parliament  was  concerned.  Its  representa- 
tives had  resorted  to  force,  and  by  so  doing  had 
compelled  the  government  to  choose  between 
abdication  and  yielding  under  threat  of  violence. 
Henceforth  it  was  war  to  the  knife.  The  leading 
Chartists  throughout  the  realm  were  arrested  and 
imprisoned  by  hundreds.  Insurrections  and  riots 
ensued,  followed  by  rigorous  repressive  measures,  all 
of  which  greatly  increased  the  bitterness  of  the 
artisans  toward  the  government.  The  movement 
continued  to  wage  a  more  or  less  vigorous  contest 
till  after  the  continental  revolutions  of  1848;  but 
from  the  day  when  the  mob  spirit  gained  ascend- 
ency, the  seal  of  public  disapproval  was  placed  upon 
Chartism.  It  however,  as  has  been  observed,  served 
a  useful  purpose,  inasmuch  as  it  was  one  of  the  fac- 
tors that  assisted  in  awakening  the  conscience  of 
many  thoughtful  people  among  the  wealthy  and 
middle  classes,  while  it  also  educated  and  interested 
in  social  problems  hundreds  of  thousands  of  the 
poor  and  artisan  class  in  England. 

66 


Origin,  Progress ,  and  Result  of  Chartism 

At  this  juncture,  however,  there  arose  another 
influence  in  English  political  life,  which  served  to 
avert  the  storm  and  yet  won  for  the  people  the 
reform  measures  most  urgently  required  at  that  time, 
while  the  victory  was  of  such  a  nature  as  set  the 
face  of  the  government  steadfastly  toward  rational 
and  progressive  Liberalism. 

Before  noticing  the  rise  and  triumph  of  the  Anti- 
Corn-Law  League  that  accomplished  so  much  for 
peace  and  for  progress  at  this  crisis  in  national  his- 
tory, it  will  be  well  to  glance  briefly  at  the  legisla- 
tion relating  to  the  trade  in  grain  that,  for  over 
eight  centuries,  vexed  the  British  Isles. 


67 


CHAPTER    III. 

HISTORY  OF   THE    CORN  LAWS 

Corn  Laws  after  Norman  Conquest  —  Statute  of  1436 — Statute  of 
1463 — Legislation  of  1 660-1 670  —  Corn  Laws  under  William 
and  Mary  —  Burke's  Act  (1773)  —  Statute  of  1791  —  Enact- 
ments from  1 79 1  to  1846 — Repeal  of  Corn  Laws  becomes  Ques- 
tion of  the  Hour. 

AS  THE  Corn  Laws,  which  made  dear  bread 
/-%  by  statutory  monopoly,  were  the  storm- 
center  around  which  the  reform  forces 
marshaled  their  strength  in  the  'forties  of  the  last 
century,  it  will  be  well  to  survey  briefly  the  restric- 
tive legislation  on  grain  that,  for  eight  hundred  years, 
challenged  the  attention  of  English  lawmakers. 

It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  for  four  centuries 
after  the  Norman  Conquest  the  Corn  Laws,  instead 
of  being  framed  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  and 
benefiting  a  particular  class  by  maintaining  high 
prices,  were  enacted  with  the  definite  aim  of 
keeping  down  the  cost  of  the  grains  used  as  bread- 
stuffs,  such  as  wheat,  oats,  barley  and  rye — all 
of  which    came    under    the  general   term  of  corn. 

68 


History  of  the  Corn  Laws 

The  early  laws  prohibited  exportation,  save  in 
years  of  great  abundance ;  when,  under  special 
permits  or  licenses,  the  producers  were  allowed  to 
export  their  surplus. 

The  origin  of  these  restrictive  laws  was  probably 
a  desire  on  the  part  of  statesmen  to  relieve  suffering 
among  the  poor,  and  to  promote  more  intimate 
commercial  intercourse  between  different  sections 
of  the  country.  There  were  frequently  failures 
of  crops  in  one  part  of  the  realm,  and  abundant 
harvests  elsewhere.  But  in  those  early  days  the 
facilities  for  intercourse  were  very  primitive.  The 
roads  were  often  well-nigh  impassable,  and  the 
country  was  in  many  parts  sparsely  settled  and 
infested  by  bands  of  robbers.  These  and  other 
causes  rendered  it  frequently  far  easier,  safer  and 
cheaper  to  market  grain  in  the  nearest  foreign 
port,  than  to  attempt  to  find  customers  in  remote 
districts  at  home  where  scarcity  prevailed.  The 
efforts  of  the  lawmakers  to  interfere  with  free- 
dom of  trade,  though  well  intended,  worked  injuri- 
ously rather  than  otherwise,  as  they  served  to  dis- 
courage the  grain  raising. 

In  1436,  during  the  reign  of  Henry  VI.,  a  statute 

was  enacted  permitting  exportation  without  license 

whenever  the  price  of  grain  fell  below  certain  stated 

figures.     The  preamble  of  this  act  discloses  a  com- 

69 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

plete  change  amounting  to  a  reversal  of  the  aim  of 
the  restrictive  statute,  as  it  definitely  states  as  the 
reason  for  the  proposed  law  that  previous  legislation 
had  compelled  the  farmers  to  sell  their  corn  at  low 
prices. 

Almost  a  generation  later  (1463)  a  still  more  pro- 
nounced measure  was  secured  in  the  interests  of  the 
landed  class.  This  law,  which  sought  to  secure  for 
the  agriculturists  a  monopoly  of  the  whole  market, 
prohibited  the  importation  of  grain  except  when  the 
price  at  home  reached  the  figures  at  which  export 
was  by  law  prohibited. 

In  1660,  during  the  reign  of  Charles  II.,  another 
innovation  was  made  in  the  corn  legislation,  with  a 
view  to  increasing  the  revenues  of  the  state.  Exports 
and  imports  were  permitted,  but  each  were  subject 
to  heavy  duties. 

The  practical  result  of  this  legislation  was 
however  satisfactory  only  to  the  landed  class,  as 
it  virtually  prevented  any  foreign  trade,  and  while 
making  the  price  of  grain  high  it  yielded  but 
little  revenue  to  the  government;  so  in  1663 
sweeping  reductions  were  made  in  the  duties, 
which  served  to  increase  the  revenues,  but  aroused 
the  united  and  effective  resistance  of  the  landed 
class,  who  found  their  monopoly  broken  up 
through   the    change    in    legislation,   and    in    1670 

70 


History  of  the  Corn  Laws 

restrictive  laws  favorable  to  the  agriculturists  were 

enacted. 

Even  this  legislation,  however,  failed  to  satisfy 
the  protected  class.  The  appetite  of  monopoly- 
is  insatiable.  The  cry  of  those  who  through 
state-conferred  benefits  become  rich  and  powerful 
is  ever  for  "  more,"  and  their  tone  becomes 
more  and  more  imperative  as  they  gain  in  wealth 
and  influence. 

The  revolution  that  brought  William  and  Mary 
to  the  throne  was  promptly  taken  advantage  of  by 
the  landed  class  for  further  benefits.  Heavy  duties 
on  imports  were  levied,  while  not  only  were  all 
duties  on  exports  abolished,  but  bounties  were 
granted  on  grain  exported  from  the  realm.  "  The 
system  of  corn  law  established  in  the  reign  of  Will- 
iam and  Mary,"  observes  an  able  writer,  "  was 
probably  the  most  perfect  to  be  conceived  for 
advancing  the  agricultural  interest  of  any  country. 
Every  stroke  of  the  legislation  seemed  complete  to 
this  end.  Yet  it  wholly  failed  of  its  purpose,  because 
no  industrial  interest  whatever  can  by  any  artificial 
means  prosper,  save  in  harmonious  connection  with 
the  progress  of  other  interests."  * 

The  results  of  these  laws  were  disappointing  to 

*  R.  Somers'  essay  on  the  Corn  Laws,  ninth  edition  of  the  *<  Ency- 
clopaedia Britannica,''  vol.  VI.,  p.  410. 

7« 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

the  landed  class,  a  great  expense  to  the  government, 
and  a  source  of  discontent  among  the  poor,  who 
were  coming  to  regard  the  beneficiaries  of  dear  corn 
as  their  natural  enemies. 

In  1773  Burke  secured  the  passage  of  an  act  that 
changed  and  modified  the  laws  in  many  important 
ways.  Under  this  statute  the  small  duty  of  six 
pence  was  imposed  on  importations,  when  the  home 
price  of  wheat  was  forty-eight  shillings  a  quarter. 
The  statute  further  not  only  abolished  all  bounties 
on  grain  exported  when  the  price  was  forty-four 
shillings  a  quarter,  but  even  forbade  the  sending  of 
grain  from  the  island.  For  some  time  after  the 
enactment  of  this  statute  legislation  was  more  favor- 
able to  freer  trade.  This  was  especially  noticeable 
in  the  act  of  1773  i*elating  to  the  Corn  Laws,  and 
also  in  the  commercial  treaty  negotiated  by  Mr.  Pitt 
between  England  and  France. 

With  the  upheaval  on  the  Continent,  caused  by 
the  French  Revolution,  and  the  coincident  disturbed 
condition  that  prevailed  in  England,  came  a  strong 
reaction  in  which  the  old  restrictive  policy  again 
gained  supremacy ;  and  for  more  than  fifty  years  the 
question  of  the  Corn  Laws  was  one  of  the  most 
vexatious  that  confronted  the  great  parties.  During 
all  these  years  the  landed  interests  were  so  intrenched 
in  the  government  that,  though  the  laws  were  con- 

7Z 


History  of  the  Corn  Laws 

stantly  meddled  with  and  modified,  it  was  not  until 
after  the  accession  of  Victoria  that  there  was  any 
serious  opposition  aiming  at  the  destruction  of  the 
ancient  monopoly. 

The  reaction  from  the  liberal  policy  introduced 
by  Burke  was  marked  in  1791  by  the  passage  of  a 
statute  whose  main  feature  provided  for  a  prohibitory 
tax  on  all  imported  wheat  so  long  as  the  market 
price  was  fifty  shillings  a  quarter,  while  a  duty 
of  two  shillings  six  pence  was  levied  when  the 
price  ranged  between  fifty  and  fifty-four  shillings, 
and  a  nominal  tax  of  six  pence  was  levied  when 
wheat  reached  fifty-four  shillings.  A  bounty  on 
exports  was  granted,  and  in  all  its  various  pro- 
visions the  interests  of  the  grain-raising  class  were 
considered. 

Following  the  enactment  of  this  law,  came  some 
years  in  which  the  harvests  were  failures  and  the 
sufferings  of  the  poor  very  great;  but  Parliament  was 
so  thoroughly  dominated  by  those  interested  in  the 
corn  monopoly  that  it  was  impossible  to  revert  to 
the  more  liberal  laws  of  earlier  times,  while  the  cry 
against  the  bread-tax  began  to  grow  ominously.  To 
meet  this  emergency  Parliament  granted  high  boun- 
ties on  importations  of  grain. 

The  various  legislative  enactments  between  1791 
and  the  repeal  of  the  Corn  Laws  in  1 846  consisted 

73 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

chiefly  of  modifications  of  the  sliding  scale  of  duties 
on  imports,  though  there  was  in  1825  a  temporary 
exception  to  the  rule  relating  to  Canada,  when 
for  a  time  a  fixed  duty  of  five  shillings  a  quarter, 
regardless  of  price,  was  laid  on  all  wheat  that 
came  from  the  British  provinces  in  North  America. 

In  1828  a  law  was  passed  fixing  a  duty  of 
twenty-three  shillings  on  imported  wheat  when 
the  market  price  was  sixty-four  shillings ;  sixteen 
shillings  eight  pence  when  the  price  was  sixty- 
nine  shillings,  and  the  nominal  tax  of  one  shilling 
a  quarter  when  the  market  price  was  seventy-three 
shillings,  or  over. 

This  sliding  scale  gave  rise  to  great  discontent 
among  traders,  and  served  to  discourage  all  traffic 
in  grain,  as  will  be  appreciated  when  its  provisions 
are  considered.  Thus,  for  example,  we  will  suppose 
that  the  market  for  wheat  indicated  a  rise,  that  it 
reached  seventy-two  shillings,  and  that  the  merchant 
placed  a  heavy  order.  If  the  price  rose  to  seventy- 
three  before  his  grain  arrived,  he  would  have  but 
one  shilling  to  pay  on  the  quarter  ;  but,  on  the  other 
hand,  if  the  price  dropped  three  points,  or  to  sixty- 
nine,  he  would  have  sixteen  shillings  eight  pence  to 
pay,  while  if  the  price  fell  to  sixty-four  shillings  he 
would  have  twenty-three  shillings  to  pay  on  every 
quarter. 

74 


History  of  the  Corn  Laws 

It  is  easy  to  see  how  such  statutes  fostered  whole- 
sale gambling  in  bread,  and  as  speculation  grew 
prices  rose  and  fell  in  an  abnormal  manner.  Thus 
we  find  that,  in  the  year  that  witnessed  the 
accession  of  Victoria  to  the  throne,  the  price  of 
corn  so  fluctuated  that  the  sliding  scale  of  taxes 
underwent  thirty  variations  in  the  space  of  eleven 
months. 

After  the  masses  of  England  had  become  infected 
with  the  spirit  of  unrest  and  a  great  new  hope  that 
seemed  to  fill  the  air  began  to  breed  discontent  with 
present  conditions,  after  workmen  in  the  great  facto- 
ries or  on  the  highways  began  to  gather  in  knots 
and  discuss  the  better  time  coming,  after  each  man 
began  to  think  for  himself  and  the  literature  of 
revolution  found  its  way  into  well-nigh  every  hamlet 
in  Europe,"^'  it  was  to  be  expected  that  the  new 
spirit,  embodying  the  yearnings  of  millions  and  the 
higher  and  newer  ideals  of  justice  and  of  right, 
should  crystallize  round  some  great  question,  or  fol- 
low the  banner  on  which  some  slogan  of  promise 
was  emblazoned. 

Thus  we  can  easily  understand  how  the  repeal  of 
the  Corn  Laws  readily  became  a  popular  issue  or 

*  Sir  Edward  Bulvver  Lytton,  in  his  romance  entitled  "  My  Novel," 
gives  us  in  the  character  of  the  tinker  Sprott  a  vivid  picture  of  a  class 
of  men  who  went  from  town  to  town  during  this  period,  leaving  a  trail 
of  revolutionary  literature  wherever  they  journeyed. 

75 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

rallying  point.  The  leaders  of  the  Anti-Corn-Law 
League  were  carrying  on  a  warfare  against  monopoly, 
and  it  was  by  no  means  difficult  to  convince  a  man 
that  laws  which  made  a  class — and  a  relatively  small 
class — rich  at  the  expense  of  the  many  were  bad, 
provided  he  did  not  belong  to  the  protected  class. 
The  monopoly  was  in  one  of  the  greatest  necessities 
of  life.  The  *'  tax  on  bread  "  had  an  ugly  sound. 
It  was  something  that  men  instinctively  objected 
to  when  the  question  was  squarely  put  to  them, 
even  though  they  could  not  follow  an  argu- 
ment, and  though  an  ethical  question  might  have 
little  or  no  attraction  for  them.  It  was  among 
all  the  questions  of  the  time  the  one  best  calcu- 
lated to  arouse  the  enthusiasm  of  the  more  con- 
servative among  the  reformers,  who,  while  shrink- 
ing from  force  or  the  thought  of  revolution,  had 
yet  so  come  under  the  dominant  influence  of  the 
age  as  to  feel  that  the  hour  had  arrived  when  the 
nation  must  go  forward. 

The  Corn  Laws  stood  for  special  privilege,  stood 
for  monopoly  and  class  legislation,  by  which  the  few 
acquired  wealth  that  it  could  not  be  truthfully  said 
was  earned  ;  and  this  acquisition  was  made  at  the 
expense  of  those  who  toiled  long  and  laboriously. 
Hence  these  laws  were  at  once  oppressive  or  burden- 
some  in  their   operation,  and  essentially  unjust  in 

76 


History  of  the  Corn  Laws 

character.  They  restricted  rightful  freedom  of  trade, 
and  were  totally  at  variance  with  the  larger  vision  of 
the.rights  of  man  that  had  burst  upon  the  conscious- 
ness of  the  age.  These  were  the  strong  points  that 
even  the  dullest  plodders  could  understand,  and 
with  these  points  it  is  easy  to  see  how  the  Anti- 
Corn-Law  League  came  to  be  so  tremendous  a 
power,  even  when  pitted  against  the  wealth  of  the 
realm,  against  the  great  opinion-forming  influences 
of  society,  against  the  press,  the  church,  and  the 
governing  classes. 


77 


CHAPTER    IV. 

THE   ANTI- CORN -LAW  LEAGUE 

What  it  Accomplished  —  Its    Opponents  —  Later  a  Class-movement 

—  Purity  of  Leaders  —  Story  of  the  Movement  —  Richard  Cobden 

—  John  Bright  —  Dark  Days  and  Cobden' s  Faith. 

TH  E  memorable  Anti-Corn- Law  move- 
ment is  one  of  the  most  thrilling  and 
instructive  passages  in  modern  history. 
Its  success  unquestionably  saved  England  from  a 
bloody  revolution,  and — what  is  still  more  important 
— the  educational  agitation  carried  on  by  the  League 
materially  furthered  the  nation  in  its  progress  toward 
freedom.  It  was  largely  through  this  movement 
that  the  republican  ideal  became  fixed  in  the  popular 
imagination ;  since  1 846  the  general  trend  of  the 
nation  has  been  toward  broader  freedom  and  juster 
conditions,  while  the  spirit  of  the  government  has 
become  more  and  more  democratic. 

The  story  of  the  rise,  progress  and  success  of  the 
Anti-Corn-Law  and  Free-Trade  crusade  rightly 
demands  the  careful  consideration  of  patriotic  citi- 
zens ;  for  we  have  too  few  instances  of  successful 

78 


The  Anti- Corn -Law  League 

revolutions  accomplished  without  force  or  blood- 
shed, and  still  rarer  have  been  the  cases  where  the 
governing  classes  have  failed  to  retard  the  onward 
movement  of  the  larger  spirit  of  freedom  and  of  jus- 
tice born  in  the  stress  of  the  revolutionary  agitation. 
It  required  a  man  of  great  faith  to  look  con- 
fidently forward  to  the  success  of  the  issues  for 
which  the  League  strove.  For  several  years  after 
its  organization  it  had  to  meet  the  strenuous  oppo- 
sition of  the  Tories,  the  indifference  and  (as  was 
more  common)  the  open  hostility  of  the  Whigs  or 
Liberals,  and  the  bitter  opposition  of  the  Chartists. 
Thus,  on  the  one  hand,  there  were  the  great  landed 
interests  representing  untold  wealth  largely  depend- 
ing upon  the  maintenance  of  the  Corn  Laws  ;  and, 
on  the  other,  there  was  the  large  and  rapidly  increas- 
ing number  who  had  accepted  the  new  political 
programme  of  Chartism.  The  latter  regarded  the 
Anti-Corn-Law  League  with  great  distrust,  when 
they  were  not  openly  hostile.  Many  of  their  more 
thoughtful  leaders  believed  that  at  best  the  repeal  of 
the  obnoxious  laws  would  prove  merely  a  palliative 
measure,  and  would  retard  the  extension  of  manhood 
suffrage — something  that  they  regarded  as  of  incom- 
parably greater  moment  than  the  tax  on  grain. 
Others  (and  among  them  not  a  few  Chartist  leaders), 
after  the  persecutions  by  the  government,  and  the 

79 


How  Efigland  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

indifference  to  the  cry  of  the  poor  manifested  by 
both  parties,  had  become  convinced  that  the  only 
hope  of  the  triumph  of  fundamental  reform  meas- 
ures, such  as  would  effect  a  permanent  relief  for  the 
wretched  workers,  lay  in  a  forcible  revolution.* 

While  the  Anti-Corn-Law  agitation  was  in  the 
beginning  a  movement  due  largely  to  the  misery  of 
the  poor  who  were  suffering  from  a  great,  oppressive 
and  legally-protected  monopoly,  and  while  many  of 
its  pioneer  apostles  were  men  like  the  Hon.  Charles 
Pelham  Villiers,  M.P.,  wholly  disinterested  patriots 
moved   purely   by  love   of  justice    and   hatred   of 

*  Sentiments  similar  to  those  expressed  by  Ebenezer  Elliott  in  his 
doleful  <'Ode  to  Victoria"  were  echoed  by  thousands  of  persons  who, 
under  ordinary  circumstances,  would  have  shrunk  in  horror  from  the 
thought  of  a  revolution  by  force }  but,  like  the  Sheffield  poet,  they  had 
come  to  regard  all  measures  looking  toward  a  peaceable  solution  as 
chimerical  In  his  ode,  it  will  be  remembered,  Elliott  refers  to  the 
queen  as  "cypress-crowned"  and  a  "Queen  of  new-made  graves" 
(a  reference  to  the  deaths  resulting  from  the  Canadian  revolution). 
The  following  lines  from  this  poem  may  be  said  to  express  the  senti- 
ment of  a  large  and  growing  body  of  Chartists,  after  the  government 
began  to  break  up  their  public  meetings  and  to  imprison  their  leaders : 

"  Here,  too,  oh  Queen,  thy  woe-worn  people  feel 

The  load  they  bear  is  more  than  they  can  bearj 
Beneath  it  twenty  million  workers  reel. 
While  fifty  thousand  idlers  rob  and  glare. 
And  mock  the  sufferings  which  they  yet  may  share. 

**The  Drama  soon  will  end  j  four  acts  are  passed, 
The  curtain  rises  o'er  embracing  foes. 
But  each  dark  smiter  hugs  his  dagger  fast. 

While  Doom   prepares  his  match  and  waits  the  close:— 
Queen  of  the  Earthquake!  wouldst  thou  win  or  lose?" 
80 


The  Anti' Corn 'Law  League 

oppression,  later,  when  the  agitation  had  become 
active,  aggressive  and  formidable,  it  cannot  be  denied 
that  it  became  a  class-movement  directed  against  a 
class-interest.  The  manufacturers,  who  furnished 
the  greater  part  of  the  money  for  the  educational 
agitation  that  revolutionized  the  thought  and  quick- 
ened the  conscience  of  the  nation,  were  doubtless 
actuated  largely  by  self-interest. 

Yet  between  the  two  class-movements  there  was 
this  marked  difference  :  The  Corn  Laws  were  in 
the  line  of  restriction  ;  they  abridged  the  rightful 
freedom  of  the  people  that  the  wealth  of  the  few 
might  be  augmented,  and  in  so  doing  they  operated 
so  as  to  increase  the  misery  and  suffering  of  millions 
of  Englishmen,  even  causing  starvation  and  death. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  League  fought  for  a  whole- 
some freedom  ;  not  only  was  its  cause  fundamentally 
just,  but  it  made  for  the  prosperity,  the  comfort  and 
the  happiness  of  the  masses,  and  therefore  it  was 
working  for  the  well-being  of  the  nation. 

Mr.  Morley  well  observes,  in  discussing  this 
phase  of  the  agitation,  that :  "  The  important  fact 
was  that  the  class-interest  of  the  manufacturers  and 
merchants  happened  to  fall  in  with  the  good  of  the 
rest  of  the  community ;  while  the  class-interest 
against  which  they  were  going  up  to  do  battle  was 
an  uncompensated  burden  on  the  whole  common- 

6  gi 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

wealth.  Besides  this,  it  has  been  observed  on  a 
hundred  occasions  in  history,  that  a  good  cause 
takes  on  in  its  progress  larger  and  unforseen  ele- 
ments, and  these  in  their  turn  bring  out  the  nobler 
feelings  of  the  best  among  its  soldiers.  So  it  was 
here.  The  class-interest  widened  into  the  conscious- 
ness of  a  commanding  national  interest.  In  raising 
the  question  of  the  bread-tax,  and  its  pestilent 
effects  on  their  own  trade  and  on  the  homes  of 
their  workmen,  the  Lancashire  men  were  involun- 
tarily opening  the  whole  question  of  the  condition 
of  England."  * 

There  is  something  at  once  amazing,  pathetic, 
and  amusing  in  the  *' unctuous  rectitude"  of  the 
defenders  of  the  Corn  Laws  when  they  lifted  their 
hands  in  horror  at  the  sordid  selfishness  of  the 
manufacturers  who  were  seeking  the  repeal  of  those 
class-laws.  The  advocates  of  the  landed  interests 
were  shocked  beyond  measure  to  find  the  designing 
manufacturers  seeking  to  advance  their  interests  by 
unmasking  the  essential  injustice  of  the  Corn  Laws 
and  showing  how,  by  their  oppressions,  the  workers 
were  compelled  to  pay  high  prices  for  bread  and  to 
receive  low  wages,  while  the  enforced  idleness  of 
thousands  was  due  chiefly  to  the  stagnation  in  manu- 
facture  and   trade   that  was  another  result  of  the 

♦John  Morley,  "Life  of  Richard  Cobden,"  p.  17. 

82 


The  A?iti- Corn -Law  League 

Chinese-wall  of  protection  built  by  the  gentry  for 
their  own  enrichment.  To  read  the  Tory  press  of 
the  time  one  would  almost  feel  that  the  beneficiaries 
of  the  Corn  Laws  were  about  the  only  thoroughly 
disinterested  citizens  of  the  realm. 

The  Anti-Corn-Law  League,  however,  set  at  work 
to  accomplish  the  repeal  of  the  unjust  statutes.  Its 
leaders  were  men  of  the  highest  moral  rectitude. 
Indeed,  had  their  greed  for  gain  or  their  desire  for 
self-advancement  been  paramount  with  the  moving 
spirits,  it  is  doubtful  whether  they  would  ever  have 
succeeded  with  such  opposition  as  confronted  them 
at  every  point.  Only  that  moral  enthusiasm  which 
is  born  on  the  highest  plane  of  human  emotion, 
only  that  disinterested  passion  for  justice,  for  free- 
dom and  for  human  happiness  which  makes  men 
prophets  and  apostles  in  a  great  cause,  could  have 
proved  invincible,  or  at  least  could  have  effected  a 
peaceable  revolution  in  less  than  ten  years. 

The  story  of  the  Anti-Corn-Law  movement  is 
briefly  as  follows  :  On  the  evening  of  the  eighteenth 
of  September,  1838,  a  company  of  fifty  earnest  men 
met  in  Manchester  and  formed  themselves  into  an 
association  for  promoting  the  principles  of  free 
trade.  This  body  was  the  forerunner  of  the  famous 
League.  With  the  formation  of  that  organization 
an  active  and  aggressive  campaign  was  begun.     The 

83 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

thoughtful  and  able  A.  W.  Paulton  was  employed 
to  deliver  lectures  in  the  manufacturing  centers. 
This  was  the  starting-point  of  a  memorable  cam- 
paign of  education  that  had  no  fellow  in  the  history 
of  the  last  century. 

The  ground  having  been  broken  in  many  of 
the  most  populous  cities,  the  association  took  the 
next  step  forward.  In  December,  the  Manchester 
chamber  of  commerce  passed  a  resolution  declaring 
that  in  its  opinion  "  the  great  and  peaceful  principle 
of  Free  Trade,  on  the  broadest  scale,  is  the  only 
security  for  our  manufacturing  prosperity  and  the 
welfare  of  every  portion  of  the  community."  A  few 
days  later  an  address  was  sent  to  all  the  munici- 
palities where  the  new  economic  agitation  had  been 
begun,  urging  the  immediate  formation  of  associ- 
ations for  persistently  and  effectively  pushing  for- 
ward the  educational  campaign.  Next  a  league  of 
the  cities  was  proposed;  and  on  January  22,  1839, 
a  great  public  dinner  was  held  in  Manchester,  which 
was  attended  by  over  eight  hundred  delegates  from 
various  cities  and  towns.  There  were  present  six 
members  of  the  House  of  Commons.  On  the 
opening  of  Parliament,  about  a  week  later,  three 
hundred  of  these  delegates  repaired  to  London,  and 
at  a  meeting  held  at  that  time  the  name  Anti-Corn- 
Law  League  was  assumed  by  the  organization  that 

84 


The  Anti- Corn- Law  League 

was  destined  to  accomplish  so  much  within  the  next 
eight  years. 

The  press  ot  the  kingdom,  with  but  few  excep- 
tions, was  closed  to  the  League.  Tories  and  Chartists 
vied  with  each  other  in  bitterness  against  it — one 
party  because  the  League  was  too  revolutionary, 
the  other  because  it  was  not  revolutionary  enough. 
The  Whig  and  Liberal  papers  studied  the  ministry. 
Lord  Melbourne  had  recently  declared  that  the  idea 
of  the  repeal  of  the  Corn  Laws  was  madness. 
Hetice,  taking  their  cue  from  the  government,  the 
majority  of  these  representative  journal's  either 
opposed  the  reformers,  or  else  were  indifferent,  or 
too  timid  to  give  them  a  hearing.  This,  of  course, 
made  the  outlook  peculiarly  gloomy;  but  the  League, 
nothing  daunted,  outlined  and  matured  the  pro- 
gramme for  an  educational  agitation.  ''  They  issued 
pamphlets  by  hundreds  of  thousands,  and  sent 
lecturers  all  over  the  country  explaining  the  prin- 
ciples of  Free  Trade.  A  gigantic  propaganda  of 
Free-Trade  opinions  was  called  into  existence. 
Money  was  raised  by  the  holding  of  bazaars  in 
Manchester  and  London,  and  by  calling  for  sub- 
scriptions. A  bazaar  in  Manchester  brought  in  ten 
thousand  pounds."  * 

*  McCarthy,    <♦  History   of  Our  Own  Times,"   Am.   ed.,  vol.  I., 

p.    212. 

85 


How  Engla?id  Averted  a  devolution  of  Force 

The  mass  meetings  now  held  throughout  England 
were  phenomenal  in  character,  resembling  religious 
revival  meetings  in  the  deep  enthusiasm  and  the 
profound  moral  feeling  that  pervaded  them.  * 
Among  the  speakers  usually  present  were  Daniel 
O'Connell,  who  gave  his  enthusiastic  aid  to  the 
movement,  Cobden,  Bright,  Paulton,  and  Villiers. 

The  leaders  and  the  speakers  of  the  movement 
became  veritable  apostles  of  the  new  social  gospel. 
They  believed  most  sincerely  in  the  righteousness, 
in  the  justice,  and  in  the  morality  of  their  cause. 
They  consecrated  their  lives  to  the  movement  with 
the  same  moral  fervor  that  had  marked  the  most 

*  There  were  several  things  that  increased  the  general  discontent 
and  favored  organized  movement  for  repeal  at  this  time.  Mr,  Morley, 
in  his  admirable  *'Life  of  Richard  Cobden,''"  observes: 

**The  price  of  wheat  had  risen  to  seventy-seven  shillings  in  the 
August  of  1838  ;  there  was  every  prospect  of  a  wet  harvesting;  the 
revenue  was  declining;  deficit  was  becoming  a  familiar  word  ;  pauperism 
was  increasing;  and  the  manufacturing  population  of  Lancashire  were 
finding  it  impossible  to  support  themselves,  because  the  landlords,  and 
the  legislation  of  a  generation  of  landlords  before  them,  insisted  on 
keeping  the  first  necessity  of  life  at  an  artificially  high  rate.  Yet,  easy 
as  it  is  now  to  write  the  explanation  contained  in  the  last  few  words, 
comparatively  few  men  had  at  that  time  seized  the  truth  of  it.  The 
explanation  was  in  the  stage  of  a  vague  general  suspicion  rather  than 
the  definite  perception  of  a  precise  cause.  Men  are  so  engaged  by  the 
homely  pressure  of  each  day  as  it  comes,  and  the  natural  solicitudes  of 
common  life  are  so  instant,  that  a  bad  institution  or  a  monstrous  piece 
of  misgovernment  is  always  endured  in  patience  for  many  years  after 
the  remedy  has  been  urged  on  public  attention.  No  cure  is  considered 
with  an  accurate  mind  until  the  evil  has  become  too  sharp  to  be  borne, 
or  its  whole  force  and  weight  brought  irresistibly  before  the  world  by 
its  more  ardent,  penetrative,  and  indomitable  spirits."      (Page  18.) 

86 


T^he  Anti- Corn -Law  League 

sincere  and  devoted  apostles  of  religion  in  the  virgin 
days  of  the  church. 

It  was  an  age  of  tracts.  Every  unpopular  cause, 
finding  the  door  of  the  public  press  closed,  resorted 
to  pamphlets  and  leaflets  ;  and  the  League,  having 
no  access  to  the  great  journals,  secured  printing- 
presses  and,  in  addition  to  issuing  their  organ  the 
"Anti-Corn- Law  Circular,"  afterwards  called  "  The 
League,"  began  deluging  the  nation  with  tracts  and 
leaflets,  many  of  them  short  and  epigrammatic, 
some  in  the  form  of  fables,  others  in  that  of  stories, 
some  of  questions  and  answers,  but  all  written  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  appeal  to  the  simplest  mind. 
Every  person  attending  a  meeting  received  several 
brief  tracts,  some  one  of  which  was,  in  a  large  pro- 
portion of  the  cases,  pretty  sure  to  carry  conviction. 

In  the  League,  as  is  always  the  case  in  such 
associations,  the  active  work  was  carried  on  by  a  few 
persons ;  but  these  men  were  a  host  in  themselves, 
the  three  chief  spirits  being  Richard  Cobden,  John 
Bright,  and  George  Wilson.  The  latter  was  chair- 
man of  the  League  and  a  man  of  great  executive 
ability.  The  two  men,  however,  who  towered  above 
all  others  in  the  Anti-Corn-Law  and  Free-Trade 
struggle  were  Cobden  and  Bright.  Each  in  a  vital 
way  complemented  the  other,  though  of  the  two 
Cobden  was  the  leader.     He  had  entered  upon  the 

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How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

crusade  before  his  friend,  driven  into  it  indeed  by 
that  overmastering  moral  compulsion  which,  with 
certain  choice  natures,  is  supreme.  As  St.  Paul  on 
his  way  to  Damascus  had  fallen  into  the  light  and 
risen  a  just  man,  so  Cobden  had  been  overpowered 
by  the  ethical  import  of  the  movement  that  had 
at  first  appealed  chiefly  to  his  business  interests 
and  his  judgment ;  until  for  the  cause,  when  its 
success  came  to  demand  his  close  attention,  he 
neglected  all  private  matters  and  personal  affairs, 
even  at  the  cost  of  a  splendid  business,  beggaring 
himself  that  the  people,  and  especially  the  needy, 
might  be  blessed. 

Richard  Cobden  was  the  son  of  a  poor  farmer. 
On  the  death  of  his  father,  he  accepted  a  position  in 
a  warehouse  in  London  owned  by  an  uncle.  Later 
he  engaged  in  business  for  himself  in  a  cotton-print 
factory  in  Manchester.  His  school  education  was 
very  limited  ;  but  he  was  an  omnivorous  reader,  and, 
as  he  chose  his  books  with  rare  judgment  and  thor- 
oughly mastered  all  in  them  that  seemed  to  him 
worth  remembering,  he  came  to  be  far  more  broadly 
cultured  than  were  or  are  many  college-bred  men, 
even  from  the  point  of  view  of  book-learning.  But 
his  education  was  by  no  means  confined  to  books. 
No  man  of  our  time  has  studied  men  more  thor- 
oughly or   to   better    purpose   than   did   he.     The 


The  Anti- Corn -haw  League 


e* 


investigation  of  social  and  economic  conditions,  and 
of  their  relation  to  the  individual  and  to  the  State, 
was  supremely  fascinating  to  him.  He  traveled 
largely,  in  the  interest  of  his  business  and  partly 
for  recreation  and  health,  over  England,  America, 
France,  Switzerland,  Egypt,  Greece,  Turkey,  and 
elsewhere ;  and  everywhere  he  carried  on  his  pene- 
trating study  of  man  and  of  his  relation  to  the  State 
and  to  civilization. 

Mr.  Cobden's  travels  served  to  confirm  his  views 
touching  the  beneficence  of  free  trade,  the  criminality 
of  war,  and  the  possibility  of  nations  who  faithfully 
set  at  work  to  arrive  at  justice  for  all,  coming 
together  in  a  spirit  of  brotherhood.  Nothing  seemed 
to  impress  him  more  painfully  while  abroad  than 
the  large  numbers  of  men  who  were  withdrawn 
from  productive  work  or  industry  to  serve  in  the 
vast  armies  that  burdened  all  Christian  nations. 
He  viewed  with  something  akin  to  horror  the 
spectacle  of  hundreds  of  thousands  of  men,  in  the 
prime  of  a  splendid  vigor,  who  should  have  enriched 
and  blessed  civilization,  but  who  were  withdrawn 
from  all  that  was  in  a  true  sense  productive  and, 
armed  with  murderous  weapons,  were  engaged  in 
watching  each  other  over  the  national  borders. 
Who  supporteci  these  men  ?  The  toilers,  who  were 
thus  oppressed  and  robbed  of  what   should   have 

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How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

been  theirs.  And  what  was  the  influence  on  the 
non-productive  Hfe  ?  It  could  not  be  other  than 
morally  enervating.  All  this  and  more  was  set  forth 
with  great  clearness  and  power  by  this  young  man, 
who  thus  early  in  life  appealed  to  public  opinion  for 
general  disarmament.  Few  men  of  the  past  one 
hundred  years  have  entertained  such  genuine  faith 
in  freedom  as  did  Richard  Cobden.  In  his  addresses 
he  never  tired  of  quoting  these  w^ell-known  lines  of 
Cowper,  as  a  confirmation  of  the  clear  and  logical 
arguments  that  had  preceded  them  : 

**'Tis  liberty  alone  that  gives  the  flower 
Of  fleeting  life  its  luster  and  perfume, 
And  we  are  weeds  without  it.     All  constraint 
Except  what  wisdom  lays  on  evil  men 
Is  evil." 

Cobden  possessed  the  deep  human  sympathy  of 
Whittier,  of  Phillips,  and  of  Garrison,  and  was  more 
sensitive  in  nature  than  was  perhaps  any  other  great 
agitator  of  his  century.  He  shrank  from  hurting 
men's  feelings.  The  interesting  essayist,  Walter 
Bagehot,  aptly  observes  that :  "  Mr.  Cobden  had  a 
delicate  fear  of  offending  other  men's  opinions.  He 
dealt  with  them  tenderly.  He  did  not  hke  to  have 
his  own  creed  coarsely  attacked,  and  he  did — as  he 
could  not  help  doing — as  he  would  be  done  by. 
He   never   attacked   any  man's    creed   in   any  way 

90 


The  Afiti- Corn -Law  League 

except  by  what  he  in  his  best  conscience  thought 
the  fairest  and  justest  argument.  ...  He  never 
spoke  ill  of  anyone.  He  arraigned  principles,  but 
not  persons.  .  .  .  There  is  hardly  a  word  of  his 
to  be  found  perhaps  which  even  now  the  Recording 
Angel  would  blot  out."  * 

Of  but  few  other  agitators  on  the  list  of  the  noble 
and  consecrated  who  have  given  their  all  for  a  once 
forlorn  cause  could  such  a  statement  as  that  be 
truthfully  made.  "He  was  a  man,"  says  Samuel 
Smiles,  "  of  unswerving  industry  and  of  spotless 
integrity.  In  qualities  of  head  and  heart  we  believe 
him  to  be  excelled  by  few  men.  His  conscientious- 
ness was  of  the  highest  order.  Though  he  had 
much  political  enmity  to  encounter,  no  one  ever 
charged  him  with  doing  a  mean  thing  or  prostituting 
the  great  power  he  unquestionably  wielded  to  sub- 
serve any  personal  or  selfish  end."  f  He  was  per- 
haps the  most  persuasive  orator  that  the  England 
of  the  last  century  produced.  His  honesty,  his 
sincerity  and  his  moral  fervor  were  united  with  one 
of  the  most  logical  minds  of  modern  times.  He 
was  apt  at  illustration,  and  possessed  the  rare  ability 
of  making  any  subject  he  discussed  clear  to  all  his 

*Bagehot's  Works,  Am.  ed.,  vol.  III.,  "Essay  on  Cobden,'* 
pp.  416,  414,  and  415. 

j- "Brief  Biographies,"  Am.  ed.,  p.  115. 

9« 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

hearers.  Thus,  by  convincing  the  brain  and  touch- 
ing the  heart  and  all  the  nobler  emotions,  he 
was  irresistible  when  his  auditors  were  open  to 
conviction. 

Such,  then,  was  the  young  man  who  in  1839 
entered  the  great  Anti-Corn-Law  fight  with  the 
firm  determination  to  consecrate  his  life  to  the 
cause  till  it  was  won.  He  soon  became  the 
strongest  individuality  in  the  movement,  which 
gradually  attracted  to  itself  many  of  the  best  minds 
of  the  time. 

Mr.  Cobden  s  companion-in-arms  after  the  sum- 
mer of  1 841  was  also  a  man  of  great  ability 
and  of  strong  individuality,  possessing  a  person- 
ality even  more  striking  than  his  own.  John 
Bright  was  led  into  the  conflict,  and  through  it 
into  Parliament,  by  the  irresistibly  persuasive  power 
of  his  friend,  at  a  moment  when  he  himself 
felt  alone  in  the  world ;  and  though,  like  his 
proselyter,  he  threw  all  the  power  and  energy  of 
his  nature  into  the  work,  it  is  probable  that  the 
cause  itself  would  not  have  lifted  him  out  of 
the  even  tenor  of  his  routine  life,  had  it  not  been 
for  the  strange  circumstance  that  changed  the 
whole  course  of  his  career. 

Bright  was  born  in  181 1.  His  father  v/as  a  cot- 
ton  spinner   and   manufacturer,  who  after   his   son 

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T^he  Anti' Corn -Law  League 

had  enjoyed  the  ordinary  school  advantages  of  the 
day  placed  him  at  the  age  of  fifteen  in  a  counting- 
house,  where  except  during  a  brief  visit  to  the 
Continent  he  remained  for  twelve  years,  devoting 
his  entire  time  to  business.  In  1839  he  married; 
two  years  later  his  wife  died. 

It  was  in  this  dark  hour,  grief  and  desolation 
his  companions,  all  his  rosy  dreams  of  life  dissi- 
pated, that  Cobden  came  to  him  and  from  the 
corpse  of  his  young  wife  turned  his  eyes  to  the 
thousands  of  other  homes  in  old  England  where 
at  that  time  other  wives,  just  as  dear  to  their 
loving  ones  as  his  had  been  to  him,  were  even 
then  dying.  Their  lots  however  were  far  different 
from  that  so  lately  enjoyed  by  Mrs.  Bright,  for  in 
these  homes  and  hovels  grim  want  rendered  it 
impossible  for  love  to  give  the  sick  the  simple 
food,  the  attention  and  the  help  that  might  bring 
renewed  health,  but  lacking  which  the  sufferers 
were  slowly  wasting  away.  "  There  are,"  said 
Mr.  Cobden,  *'  thousands  of  homes  in  England 
at  this  moment,  where  wives,  mothers,  and  children 
are  dying  of  hunger.  Come  with  me,  and  we  will 
never  rest  till  the  Corn  Laws  are  repealed."  A 
solemn  covenant  was  thereupon  made ;  for  the  sim- 
ple, earnest  and  eloquent  appeal  of  Mr.  Cobden 
moved  all  that  was  best  in  the  grief-stricken  young 

93 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

man.  Henceforth  the  die  was  cast,  John  Bright 
went  forth  to  battle  for  the  weak — and  truer  knight 
earth  has  never  known. 

Bright  fought  for  justice,  for  freedom,  for  peace, 
and  for  the  higher  law.  He  was  one  of  the  noblest 
characters  whose  presence  dignified  and  added  to  the 
true  greatness  of  the  nineteenth  century.  He  came 
of  Quaker  stock.  His  ancestors  had  been  impris- 
oned and  had  suffered  much  from  the  dominant 
Christian  church  for  their  opinions'  sake.  He  was 
a  man  of  simple  and  sublime  faith,  and  of  large  and 
generous  views,  at  a  time  when  skepticism  on  the 
one  hand  and  reactionary  religion  on  the  other  were 
everywhere  in  evidence.  He  was  whole-souled  in 
his  devotion  to  whatever  he  conceived  to  be  right. 
"  He  was  ever  ready,**  said  Mr.  Gladstone,  "  to  lay 
his  popularity  as  a  sacrifice  upon  the  altar  of  duty." 
Never  in  his  long,  stormy,  and  illustrious  career 
did  he  hesitate  in  unswervingly  following  the  dictates 
of  conscience,  though  at  times  he  knew  full  well 
that  to  do  so  meant  the  sacrifice  of  his  seat  in 
Parliament,  the  bitter  abuse  of  the  press,  and  the 
censure  of  his  friends.  On  one  occasion  he  said : 
"  I  will  not  do  that  which  my  conscience  tells 
me  is  wrong,  to  gain  the  huzzas  of  thousands 
or  the  daily  praise  of  all  the  papers  which  come 
from   the   press.     I    will    not   avoid   doing  what   I 

94 


The  Anti- Corn -Law  League 

think  is  right,  though  it  should  draw  on  me  the 
whole  artillery  of  libels, — all  that  malice  can  invent 
or  credulity  swallow." 

Bright's  love  and  reverence  for  right,  for  justice, 
for  peace,  and  for  the  moral  law  were  so  great  that 
they  lifted  him  above  all  thought  of  popularity,  or 
of  what  men  might  say  of  him.  War  and  slavery 
were  abhorrent  to  him.  When  England  embarked 
in  the  Crimean  struggle  he  raised  his  voice  in  pro- 
test and  arraigned  the  nation  before  the  bar  of  the 
higher  law,  though  in  so  doing  he  knew  that  he 
courted  defeat.  When  our  great  war  of  the  Rebel- 
lion broke  out,  Mr.  Gladstone  reflected  the  general 
sentiment  of  England  in  his  strong  sympathy  with 
the  South  ;  but  here  again  the  voice  of  Bright  rang 
out  clear  and  strong  in  defence  of  freedom.  In 
1862,  in  the  closing  words  of  one  of  the  most  elo- 
quent addresses  ever  delivered  in  Parliament,  he 
thus  referred  to  our  republic :  "  The  leaders  of 
this  revolt  propose  this  monstrous  thing, — that 
over  a  territory  forty  times  as  large  as  England 
the  blight  and  curse  of  slavery  shall  be  forever 
perpetuated.  I  cannot  believe,  for  my  part,  that 
such  a  fate  will  ever  befall  that  fair  land,  stricken 
though  it  now  is  with  the  ravages  of  war.  I  can- 
not believe  that  civilization,  in  its  journey  with 
the    sun,    will    sink    into    endless    night.      I    have 

95 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

another  and  a  far  brighter  vision  before  my  gaze. 
It  may  be  but  a  vision,  but  I  will  cherish  it. 
I  see  one  vast  confederation,  stretching  from  the 
frozen  north  in  unbroken  line  to  the  glowing 
south,  and  from  the  wild  billows  of  the  Atlantic 
westward  to  the  calmer  waters  of  the  Pacific 
main ;  and  I  see  one  people,  and  one  language, 
and  one  law,  and  one  faith,  and  over  all  that 
wide  continent  the  home  of  freedom,  and  a 
refuge  for  the  oppressed  of  every  race  and  of 
every  clime.'* 

"  For  many  years  of  his  life,'*  says  Archdeacon 
Farrar,  "he  had  the  honour — I  say  quite  deliberately, 
the  honour — of  being  one  of  the  best  hated  men  in 
the  country.  For  fully  half  his  life  he  enjoyed  the 
beatitude  of  malediction.  It  is  an  honour  which  he 
shared  with  many  of  God's  noblest  heroes  and 
sweetest  saints.  It  is  an  honour  which  he  shared 
with  martyrs  and  prophets,  and  with  the  great 
benefactors  of  mankind,  with  the  apostles,  with 
Christ  himself.  It  is  an  honour  which  every  man 
shall  gain  who  refuses  to  swim  with  the  stream, 
who  refuses  to  answer  the  multitude  according 
to  their  idols."  * 

"  For   twenty-five   years,"   said    Mr.    Bright    on 

^Frederic  W.    Farrar,   D.D.,   F.R.S.,   "Social  and  Present-Day 
Questions,"  p.  318. 

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T^he  And -Corn -Law  League 

one  occasion,  "  I  have  stood  before  great  meet- 
ings of  my  countrymen,  pleading  only  for  justice. 
During  that  time,  as  you  know,  I  have  endured 
measureless  insult  and  passed  through  hurricanes 
of  abuse." 

I  know  of  no  other  English  statesman  of  the 
nineteenth  century  who,  at  all  times  and  under  all 
circumstances,  held  so  steadfastly  to  the  highest 
moral  ideals  as  did  John  Bright.  His  thought 
was  habitually  lofty,  and  all  poHtical  questions 
were  judged  by  him  from  the  standpoint  of  moral 
right.  To  him  whatever  was  morally  wrong  could 
not  be  politically  right;  to  decide  his  action  on 
any  political  question  or  measure  proposed,  it 
was  necessary  for  him  merely  to  settle  its  ethical 
bearing.  "  There  is,"  he  declared,  "  no  perma- 
nent greatness  to  a  nation  except  it  be  based  upon 
morality.  .  .  .  We  have  the  unchangeable  and 
eternal  principles  of  the  moral  law  to  guide  us,  and 
only  so  far  as  we  walk  by  that  guidance  can 
we  be  permanently  a  great  nation  or  our  people 
a  happy  people."  He  held  that  there  was  some- 
thing far  more  august  than  parliament  or  monarch, 
and  that  was  "  the  tribunal  which  God  has  set 
up  in  the  consciences  of  men."  "  I  do  not  care," 
he  said  at  one  time,  "  for  military  greatness  or 
military  renown.      I   care  for  the  condition  of  the 

7  97 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

people  among  whom  I  live.  Palaces,  baronial 
castles,  great  halls,  stately  mansions  do  not  make  a 
nation.  The  nation  in  every  country  dwells  in  the 
cottage,  and,  unless  the  light  of  your  constitution 
can  shine  there,  rely  upon  it  that  you  have  yet  to 
learn  the  duties  of  government." 

As  an  orator  John  Bright  had  but  few  peers,  if  in- 
deed he  had  one,  in  the  Parliament  of  his  land.  He 
was  slow  of  speech  in  the  opening  remarks  ;  every 
word  seemed  carefully  chosen  and  uttered  with  great 
deliberation,  and  often  many  were  greatly  disap- 
pointed when  he  began  to  speak ;  but  as  he  pro- 
ceeded, and  almost  before  they  became  aware  of  the 
fact,  they  found  themselves  lifted  as  it  were  out  of 
their  self-consciousness  and  swept  onward  with 
the  current  of  the  orator's  thoughts.  One  of 
the  most  scholarly  and  eloquent  clergymen  of 
England  bears  testimony  to  the  oratorical  powers 
of  John  Bright  thus  : 

**I  have  heard  him  when,  in  English  of  matchless  strength  and 
matchless  simplicity,  and  in  a  v^oice  which  sometimes  seemed  to  breathe 
through  silver,  and  rang  anon  with  the  trumpet  tones  of  scorn  and 
indignation,  he  stood  before  vast  audiences,  playing  on  their  emotions 
as  on  some  mighty  instrument.  I  have  seen  him  now  sweeping  them 
into  stormy  sympathy  before  the  strong  wind  of  his  passion  ;  now 
holding  them  hushed  as  an  infant  at  its  mother's  breast  j  now  making 
them  break  into  radiancy  of  laughter ;  now  whitening  their  upturned 
faces  with  sympathetic  tears  j  sometimes  even  lifting  them  to  their  feet 

98 


The  Anti- Corn- Law  League 

in  a  burst  of  uncontrollable  and  spontaneous  enthusiasm.  I  have  heard 
him  rain  down  the  large  blows  of  his  impassioned  rhetoric,  as  when  a 
smith  brings  down  his  sledge-hammer  on  the  glowing  anvil,  forging 
the  plastic  iron  into  what  he  will.  And  never  have  I  heard  him  abuse 
for  base  or  personal  ends  this  mighty  power."  * 

It  would  be  difficult  to  estimate  the  influence  that 
this  great  commoner  wielded  for  the  higher  morality, 
for  freedom,  for  justice,  and  for  human  rights  ;  cer- 
tain it  is  that  he  strengthened  the  conscience  of 
Parliament  as  did  no  other  statesman  of  his  day. 
His  splendid  faith  in  the  power  of  right  often 
seemed  strange  enough  to  policy-mongering  oppor- 
tunists, who  were  unable  to  understand  how  a  man 
could  deliberately  throw  away  his  chance  of  a 
return  to  the  House  by  bravely  defending  what 
he  believed  to  be  right,  but  what  he  also  knew 
to  be  unpopular ! 

It  is  not  difficult  to  realize  how  two  such  men  as 
Richard  Cobden  and  John  Bright  awakened  the 
sleeping  conscience  of  old  England  and  rendered 
the  repeal  of  the  unjust  Corn  Laws  inevitable. 
Men  who  believe  in  the  power  of  truth,  of  justice 
and  of  morality,  as  did  they,  carry  conviction  when 
an  army  who  speak  only  to  the  intellect  fail  to 
attract  or  move.  "  How  is  it,"  asked  Mr.  Bright, 
"  that  any  great  thing  is  accomplished  ?     By  love 

*  Farrar's  <<  Social  and  Present-Day  Questions,"  p.  312. 

99 


How  England  Averted  a  devolution  of  Force 

of  justice,  by  constant  devotion  to  a  great  cause, 
and  by  an  unfaltering  faith  that  what  is  right  will  in 
the  end  succeed." 

Though  the  agitation  was  prosecuted  with  great 
vigor,  there  were  from  the  first  until  the  triumph 
in  '46  many  dark  days.  Time  and  again,  after 
the  League  had  become  convinced  that  victory 
was  almost  at  its  door,  the  action  of  the  min- 
istry, or  some  turn  in  political  affairs,  dashed  all 
their  hopes. 

The  fate  common  to  all  great  fundamental  move- 
ments that  concern  liberty  and  justice  for  the  masses 
was  perhaps  never  more  clearly  illustrated  than 
in  the  Anti-Corn-Law  and  Free-Trade  campaign 
between  '39  and  '46. 

In  i84i-'42,  and  in  almost  every  year  thereafter, 
the  League  was  alternately  buoyed  up  with  the  con- 
fident expectation  of  early  victory,  and  cast  down  to 
the  depths  by  the  apparent  hopelessness  of  the 
crusade ;  though  it  should  be  observed  that  with 
Cobden,  with  Bright,  and  with  Wilson,  who  may 
be  called  eminently  the  apostles  of  the  movement, 
discouragement  was  in  all  instances  of  but  temporary 
duration.  They  had  gone  into  the  battle  deter- 
mined to  know  no  such  word  as  fail ;  they  were 
seeking  no  personal  advancement ;  and  they  were 
ready  to  sacrifice  all  personal  interests  for  the  cause 


The  Anti"  Corn 'Law  League 

the  triumph  of  which  they  believed  was  demanded 
by  every  consideration  of  wisdom,  of  justice,  and 
of  human  progress. 

Cobden's  faith  in  the  power  of  a  righteous  cause 
has  seldom  been  equalled  in  modern  times.  Timid 
friends  no  less  than  confident  foes  were  continually 
declaring  that  England  would  never  open  her  mar- 
kets to  free  grain,  because  her  landlords  and  agri- 
culturists were  "  too  mighty  to  be  overthrown,  or 
even  shaken." 

It  was  pointed  out  time  and  again  that  in  Parlia- 
ment the  landed  class  was  overwhelmingly  in  the 
majority.  And  not  only  that,  they  were  incom- 
parably the  stronger  financially  ;  it  was  shown  that 
all  the  liberal  contributions  made  by  the  manu- 
facturers and  others  interested  in  the  repeal  of  the 
Corn  Laws,  were  as  a  drop  in  the  bucket  when 
compared  with  the  wealth  arrayed  against  the 
reformers.  It  was  shown  further  that  the  press  was 
with  the  Opposition.  Conservatism  and  custom 
were  on  its  side.  In  fact,  the  spectacle  but  too 
plainly  suggested  the  one-sided  duel  between  David 
and  Goliath ;  only,  as  in  olden  times  so  now,  the 
David  had  the  superb  faith  in  his  own  invincibility 
so  long  as  he  was  armed  with  truth  and  with  justice, 
and  his  foot  was  on  the  path  of  Progress. 

Cobden    insisted   that,  when    the   reason   of  the 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

nation  had  been  convinced  and  its  conscience 
aroused,  all  the  powers  of  Intrenched  capital  and 
conservatism  would  be  powerless  to  prevent  the 
realization  of  the  public  demands.  England  was 
not  France,  and  her  history  in  the  past  justified  his 
views.  He  believed  that,  when  their  cause  could 
once  be  fairly  placed  before  the  bar  of  public 
opinion,  victory  was  assured.  He  asked:  ''How 
every  social  change  and  every  religious  change  had 
been  accomplished,  otherwise  than  by  an  appeal  to 
public  opinion.  How  had  they  secured  the  penny 
postage  ?  Not  by  sitting  still  and  quietly  wishing 
for  it,  but  by  a  number  of  men  stepping  out  and 
spending  their  money  and  giving  their  time  agitating 
the  community."  * 

*  Morley's  <<Life  of  Cobden,"  p.  19. 


CHAPTER   V. 

HUMANITARIAN  SPIRIT  IN  LITERATURE   OF 

THE    PERIOD  AND  SOME   THINKERS 

WHO  WROUGHT  FOR  PROGRESS 

Political  Influences  not  Alone  at  Work  —  A  Wave  of  Human 
Sympathy  —  Bulwer's  *'  King  Arthur  "  —  Ebenezer  Elliott  — 
Carlyle  —  Dickens  —  Elizabeth  Barrett  —  Hood  —  Mackay  — 
Massey  —  Maurice  —  Charles  Kingsley  —  Mazzini — Youth  a 
Nation's  Hope. 

THOUGH  the  ruling  spirits  in  both  of  the 
great  political  parties,  a  large  majority  of 
the  aristocracy,  and  the  vast  preponder- 
ance of  wealth,  of  conventional  society  and  of  the 
Established  Church  were  ranged  on  the  side  of  the 
old  regime  in  its  opposition  to  the  reforms  that  were 
pressing  for  governmental  recognition,  there  were 
other  influences  of  which  the  politicians  took  little 
account,  but  which  were  nevertheless  effectively 
working  for  progress  by  awakening  the  sense  of  jus- 
tice in  the  heart  of  the  people.  This,  when  once 
aroused,  becomes  an  important  factor  in  the  war- 
fare between  an  old  order  and  the  new  ideals. 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

To  understand  something  of  these  currents  that 
fed  the  noble  discontent  of  the  time,  it  will  be  nec- 
essary for  us  to  consider  now  the  aggressively  moral 
or  what  may  be  called  the  conscience  literature  of 
the  day.  And  in  our  survey  of  this  field  we  must 
give  especial  attention  to  the  writings  that  came 
from  and  to  those  that  particularly  interested  the 
poor  and  the  people  of  moderate  means ;  for,  as 
John  Bright  well  said,  "  Palaces,  baronial  castles, 
great  halls,  stately  mansions  do  not  make  a  nation. 
The  nation,  in  every  country,  dwells  in  the  cottage." 

During  the  'thirties  and  'forties  of  the  last  cen- 
tury we  find  men  and  women  in  almost  every  walk 
of  life,  but  notably  those  who  had  themselves  suf- 
fered much,  contributing  in  an  important  way  to  the 
conscience-force  at  work  in  the  land.  It  was  indeed 
a  time  of  moral  awakening  such  as  England  has 
rarely  seen.  "A  great  wave,'*  says  Mr.  Morley,  "  of 
humanity,  of  benevolence,  of  desire  for  improve- 
ment— a  great  wave  of  social  sentiment,  in  short — 
poured  itself  among  all  who  had  the  faculty  of  large 
and  disinterested  thinking.  The  political  spirit  was 
abroad  in  its  most  comprehensive  sense,  the  desire 
of  strengthening  society  by  adapting  it  to  better 
intellectual  ideals,  and  enriching  it  from  new 
resources   of   moral    power.     A   feeling    for    social 

regeneration,  under  what  its  apostles  conceived  to  be 

104 


The  Literature  and  Thinkers  of  the  Period 

a.  purer  spiritual  guidance,  penetrated  ecclesiastical 
common-rooms  no  less  than  it  penetrated  the  manu- 
facturing districts.  To  the  fermentation  of  those 
years  Carlyle  contributed  the  vehement  apostrophes 
of '  Chartism  '  and  '  Past  and  Present/  glowing  with 
eloquent  contempt  for  the  aristocratic  philosophy 
of  treadmills,  gibbets,  and  thirty-nine  Acts  of  Par- 
liament '  for  the  shooting  of  partridges  alone,'  but 
showing  no  more  definite  way  for  national  redemp- 
tion than  lay  through  the  too  vague  words  of  Edu- 
cation and  Emigration."  * 

On  every  hand  the  voice  of  progress  was  heard  in 
the  literature  of  the  period  ;  songs,  poems,  essays, 
sermons,  and  stories  pervaded  with  ethical  enthu- 
siasm were  as  rivulets,  brooks,  and  rivers  feeding 
the  swelling  flood  of  humanitarianism.  Even  con- 
ventional and  aristocratic  writers,  who  were  tempera- 
mentally sensitive  and  receptive,  came  under  the 
irresistible  sway  of  the  spirit  of  reform. 

Thus  conservative  Lord  Lytton,  with  his  horror 
of  Chartism  and  his  wholly  mistaken  views  of  the 
aims  and  character  of  Socialism,  succumbed  never- 
theless to  the  spirit  of  the  age  in  a  remarkable 
degree ;  a  striking  illustration  of  which  can  be 
found  in  his  long  poem  "  King  Arthur,"  which  he 
always  held  was  his  greatest  work.     "  King  Arthur  " 

*  Morley's  **Life  of  Cobden,"  p.  lo. 
los 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

was  written  in  the  *  forties  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury ;  and,  though  the  subject  matter  of  the  poem 
belonged  to  a  far-away  legendary  period,  the  author 
could  not  refrain  from  introducing  into  his  work  a 
vivid  and  tragic  picture  of  the  triumph  of  the  spirit 
of  commercialism  over  the  higher  and  nobler  senti- 
ments in  man.  Without  understanding  the  charac- 
ter of  the  time  in  which  Bulwer  wrote  his  "  King 
Arthur,"  it  would  be  difficult  to  account  for  such 
stanzas  as  the  following,  which,  it  will  be  remem- 
bered, occur  where  the  Genius  reveals  the  future  to 
the  King : 

"Slow  fades  the  pageant,  and  the  Phantom  stage 
As  slowly  fiird  with  squalid,  ghastly  forms; 

Here,  over  fireless  hearths  cowefd  shivering  Age 

And  blew  with  feeble  breath  dead  embers; — storms 

Hung  in  the  icy  welkin  ;  and  the  bare 

Earth  lay  forlorn  in  Winter's  charnel  air. 


<*No  careless  Childhood  laugh'd  disportingly. 

But  dwarfed,  pale  mandrakes  with  a  century's  gloom 

On  infant  brows,  beneath  a  poison-tree 

With  skeleton  fingers  plied  a  ghastly  loom, 

Mocking  in  cynic  jest  life's  gravest  things  ; 

They  wove  gay  King-robes,  muttering  <  What  are  Kings  ? ' 

**And  through  that  dreary  Hades  to  and  fro, 
Stalk' d  all  unheeded  the  Tartarean  Guests  ; 
Grim  Discontent  that  loathes  the  Gods,  and  Woe 
io6 


The  Literature  and  Thinkers  of  the  Period 

Clasping  dead  infants  to  her  milkless  breasts; 
And  madding  Hate,  and  Force  with  iron  heel, 
And  voiceless  Vengeance  sharpening  secret  steel. 


***Can  such  things  be  below  and  God  above?' 

Falter' d  the  King; — replied  the  Genius — <Nay, 
This  is  the  state  the  sages  most  approve  ; 

This  is  Man  civilized! — the  perfect  sway 
Of  Merchant  Kings;  the  ripeness  of  the  Art 
Which  cheapens  men — the  Elysium  of  the  Mart.'  " 

It  is  not,  however,  among  the  conventional  writers 
that  we  must  look  for  the  conscience-force  in  the 
literature  that  helped  on  so  powerfully  the  reform 
victories  of  this  period.  The  men  and  women  who 
in  literature  wrought  for  social  righteousness  were 
often  voices  crying  in  the  wilderness  of  a  society 
given  over  to  gain.  Not  infrequently  they  belonged 
to  the  very  poor.  They  had  suffered  much.  They 
arraigned  society  in  burning  words,  becoming  the 
articulate  voice  of  millions  in  misery  ;  as  such  they 
were  august.  Indeed  the  story  of  their  lives,  as 
well  as  the  glowing  words  that  bore  the  message 
home  to  the  heart  of  the  nation,  is  instructive, 
inspiring  and  valuable  as  helping  us  to  interpret 
aright  the  age  in  which  they  wrought. 

The  pioneer  of  a  band  of  social  bards  was 
Ebenezer    Elliott.      He   might  also   be   called    the 

107 


How  Engla?id  Averted  a  devolution  of  Force 

John  the  Baptist  of  the  Anti-Corn-Law  crusade ; 
for  long  before  Richard  Cobden  had  stirred  the 
reason  of  England,  or  the  burning  eloquence  of 
John  Bright  had  touched  the  hearts  of  thousands 
who  had  never  before  been  interested  in  the  moral 
aspects  of  economic  problems,  Elliott  had  arraigned 
the  conscience  of  the  nation  for  permitting  the  poor 
to  starve  while  the  landed  classes  grew  rich  by  the 
tax  on  grain. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  estimate  the  influence  of 
this  earnest  and  sincere  poet  of  the  people,  whose 
rude  and  homely  phrases  were  strangely  blended 
with  elevated  moral  sentiments  and  flashes  of  true 
poetry,  suggesting  at  times  the  stalwart  old  prophets 
of  Israel  whose  ringing  words  in  behalf  of  justice 
still  stir  the  heart  of  the  world.  His  ethical  poetry 
was  dominated  by  "  the  Eternal  Idea  of  Right " 
(his  own  synonym  for  God).  He  had  small  regard 
for  dilettante  rhymesters.  "  We  cannot  spare  one 
true  man  from  the  ranks  of  thought  and  progress 
in  these  distracted  times,"  he  was  wont  to  say.  The 
thought  of  the  hungry  and  poor  hung  over  his  soul 
like  a  vast  pall.  "  God,"  he  remarked  to  a  friend 
on  one  occasion  as  the  two  wandered  in  a  rural  val- 
ley, '*  has  given  us  food  to  eat,  and  man,  the  tyrant, 
has  taxed  it !  and  these  beautiful  birds  are  singing 
as  if  there  were  no  sorrow  in  the  world.     Ye  break 

log 


'The  Literature  and  Thinkers  of  the  Period 

my  heart,  ye  little  birds."  And  as  he  spoke,  his 
friend  observed  tears  brimming  in  his  eyes.  His 
"  hate,"  says  his  biographer,  Mr.  PhilHps,  "  sprang 
from  love  ;  from  the  inmost  depths  of  a  heart  that 
vibrated  with  sympathy  for  all  that  was  high  and 
dear  to  man.  Hence  an  act  of  oppression  done  to 
the  meanest  creature,  was  done  to  him  ...  his 
mission  .  .  .  was  that  of  a  reformer  .  .  .  and 
he  clothed  his  message  in  the  forms  of  poetry,  and 
the  robes  of  song,  that  he  might  render  it  attractive 
and  successful."  * 

Ebenezer  Elliott  came  of  sturdy  Puritan  stock. 
His  father,  an  ultra-Calvinist  in  religion  and  a 
republican  in  politics,  had  scandalized  the  com- 
munity by  his  outspoken  praise  of  George  Wash- 
ington and  the  young  republic  over  the  sea.  He 
was  respected,  however,  in  spite  of  his  unpopular 
religious  and  political  "  vagaries,"  as  the  people 
called  them,  because  of  his  sterling  integrity,  of  his 
love  of  justice  and  fair  play,  and  of  his  untiring 
industry.  He  was  an  iron-founder  by  trade.  The 
poet's  mother  was  a  retiring,  sensitive  woman  of 
deep  affection  and  a  tender  heart  that  went  out  in 
love  to  all  who  were  in  sorrow,  or  in  need.  Much 
of  the   boy's   time  in    his   earlier    years   was   spent 

*  George  Searles  Phillips,  ''Memoirs  of  Ebenezer  Elliott,"  pp. 
31-32. 

109 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

in  his  father's  foundry  and  the  yard  adjoining  it. 
His  love  of  the  beautiful,  however,  could  not 
be  destroyed  by  the  unpoetic  surroundings.  The 
plants,  the  earth,  the  sky  and  whatever  was  fair  to 
look  upon  were  dear  to  him.  When  he  was  very 
small  we  find  him  making  a  little  garden  in  the 
middle  of  the  foundry  yard,  in  which  he  planted 
mugwort  and  wormwood,  and  in  the  midst  of  the 
flower-bed  he  placed  a  large  pan  filled  with  water, 
that  he  might  enjoy  the  blue  sky  and  the  fleecy 
clouds  and  the  growing  plants  reflected  in  the  water 
below. 

At  school  young  Elliott  was  accounted  very  dull, 
and  frequently  played  truant  that  he  might  wander 
in  the  country  lanes  amid  the  flowers  and  the  birds. 
From  his  earliest  recollection  nature  had  exerted  a 
strange  and  wonderful  spell  over  his  imagination. 
His  father,  despairing  of  making  a  scholar  of  him, 
set  him  at  work  in  the  foundry  ;  but  the  child  had 
already  learned  far  more  in  Nature's  vast  workshop 
than  most  boys  acquire  in  a  common  school,  and 
already  the  poet-soul  had  been  deeply  stirred  within 
him. 

One  day  his  brother  read  to  him  from  Thom- 
son's "  Seasons."  The  book  was  a  revelation  and 
an  inspiration.  He  took  the  volume  into  the  gar- 
den  to  compare   the   poet's   description   of  certain 


The  Literature  and  Thinkers  of  the  Period 

flowers  with  the  originals,  and  thenceforth  the  won- 
ders and  beauties  of  nature  began  to  weave  them- 
selves into  verses.  His  limited  knowledge  now 
troubled  him,  so  he  procured  a  grammar  and  other 
books  and  began  to  master  those  studies  that  his 
teachers  had  vainly  striven  to  inculcate.  Patiently 
in  his  leisure  hours  he  studied  the  dry  text-books 
till  he  was  able  to  write  good  English.  Meanwhile 
he  toiled  in  his  father's  foundry  without  receiving 
wages  until  he  was  twenty-three  years  of  age.  At 
about  that  time  he  married  a  young  woman  who 
possessed  a  considerable  fortune.  This  money 
however  was  unfortunately  invested  in  a  business 
already  bankrupt,  and  for  many  years  the  poet 
struggled  hopelessly,  till  at  last  all  his  resources 
were  exhausted  and  he  was  forced  to  accept  tem- 
porary shelter  under  the  roof  of  his  sister-in-law. 

In  1 821,  when  forty  years  of  age,  Elliott  was  able 
to  venture  again  in  business.  This  time  the  tide 
turned  his  way ;  he  prospered,  and  was  soon  able  to 
hold  up  his  head  and  look  the  world  squarely  in  the 
face.  But  during  his  adversity  he  had  suffered 
keenly  ;  the  misery  of  the  poor  had  been  borne  in 
upon  his  sensitive  imagination  with  irresistible  force. 
He  had  faced  poverty ;  he  knew  what  it  was  to  feel 
dependent,  and  in  looking  abroad  he  saw  tens  of 
thousands   of  others  far  worse  off  than  himself, — 


How  Engla?id  Averted  a  devolution  of  Force 

men  and  women  who  were  bravely  fighting  a  losing 
battle,  who  almost  constantly  felt  the  gnawing  of 
hunger,  and  with  whom  the  dread  of  the  poorhouse 
and  a  pauper's  grave  was  an  ever-present  hideous 
nightmare.  Thus  it  is  not  strange  that  the  songs 
he  sung  took  on  a  tragic  tone,  or  that  justice  for 
the  poor  became  the  burden  of  his  verse.  His 
noblest  creation  is  entitled  '^  The  Village  Patriarch." 
It  abounds  in  lines  of  rare  beauty,  and  deserves  a 
permanent  place  among  the  songs  of  justice  that 
the  bards  of  freedom  from  time  to  time  have  con- 
tributed to  the  cause  of  progress. 

Elliott  was  first  brought  prominently  before  the 
literary  world  through  the  influence  of  Lord  Lytton 
and  of  Thomas  Carlyle.  How  truly  the  message  of 
the  corn-law  rhymer  had  impressed  the  latter  may 
be  inferred  from  the  following  summary  of  his  essay 
on  "  Corn-Law  Rhymes,"  which  reveals  the  author's 
sympathy  with  the  Sheffield  poet : 

"The  Corn-Law  Rhymer  has  belie<ved,  and  therefore  is  again 
believable.  He  is  a  Sheffield  Worker  in  brass  and  iron  ;  but  no 
'  Uneducated  Poet/  such  as  dilettante  patronage  delights  to  foster. 
He  is  an  earnest,  truth-speaking,  genuine  man.  Strong  and  beautiful 
thoughts  are  not  wanting  in  him.  A  life  of  painfulness,  toil,  inse- 
curity, scarcity,  is  endured  ;  yet  he  fronts  it  like  a  man.  Affection 
dwells  with  Danger,  all  the  holier  for  the  stern  environment.  Not  as  a 
rebel  does  he  stand  ;  yet  as  a  free  man,  spokesman  of  free  men,  not 
far  from  rebelling  against  much.      He   feels  deeply  the  frightful  con- 


The  Literature  and  Thinkers  of  the  Period 

ditlon  of  our  entire  social  affairs,  and  sees  in  Bread-tax  the  summary 
of  all  our  evils.  To  the  working  portion  of  the  aristocracy  such  a 
voice  from  their  humble  working  brother  will  be  both  welcome  and 
instructive.      To  the  idle  portion  it  may  be  unwelcome  enough." 

In  the  following  passages  from  "  Corn-Law 
Rhymes  "  we  see  how  deeply  Carlyle  himself  had 
been  affected  by  the  educational  agitation  and  the 
unrest  of  the  time ;  how  keenly  he  felt  the  misery 
and  oppression  of  the  people,  and  the  great  peril 
that  menaced  the  nation  should  it  continue  to  refuse 
justice  till  free  men  became  degraded  by  losing  their 
high  ideals  and  free  spirit,  thereby  becoming  slaves 
in  soul  as  well  as  in  body.  In  speaking  of  Elliott 
he  says  : 

"He  feels,  as  all  men  that  live  must  do,  the  disorganization,  and 
hard-grinding,  unequal  pressure  of  our  Social  Affairs.  The  frightful 
conditions  of  a  Time  when  public  and  private  Principle,  as  the  word 
was  once  understood,  having  gone  out  of  sight,  and  Self-interest  being 
left  to  plot,  and  struggle,  and  scramble,  as  it  could  and  would.  Difficul- 
ties had  accumulated  till  they  were  no  longer  to  be  borne,  and  the 
spirit  that  should  have  fronted  and  conquered  them  seemed  to  have 
forsaken  the  world  } — when  the  Rich,  as  the  utmost  they  could  resolve 
on,  had  ceased  to  govern,  and  the  Poor,  in  their  fast-accumulating 
numbers,  and  ever-widening  complexities,  had  ceased  to  be  able  to  do 
without  governing ;  and  now  the  plan  of  '  Competition '  and  '  Laissez- 
faire''  was  on  every  side,  approaching  its  consummation;  and  each, 
bound-up  in  the  circle  of  his  own  wants  and  perils,  stood  grimly  dis- 
trustful of  his  neighbour,  and  the  distracted  Common-weal  was  a 
Common-woe,  and  to  all  men  it  became  apparent  that  the  end  was 
drawing  nigh  : — all    this    black    aspect  of   Ruin   and    Decay,  visible 

8  113 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

enough,  experimentally  known  to  our  Sheffield  friend,  he  calls  by  the 
name  of  '  Corn-Law,'  and  expects  to  be  in  good  part  delivered  from, 
were  the  accursed  Bread-tax  repealed. 


"  Mournful  enough,  that  a  white  European  Man  must  pray  wist- 
fully for  what  the  horse  he  drives  is  sure  of, — that  the  strain  of  his 
whole  faculties  may  not  fail  to  earn  him  food  and  lodging.  Mournful 
that  a  gallant  manly  spirit,  with  an  eye  to  discern  the  world,  a  heart  to 
reverence  it,  a  hand  cunning  and  willing  to  labour  in  it,  must  be  haunted 
with  such  a  fear.  The  grim  end  of  it  all,  Beggary  !  A  soul  loathing, 
what  true  souls  ever  loathe.  Dependence,  help  from  the  unworthy  to 
help  5  yet  sucked  into  the  world-whirlpool, — able  to  do  no  other  :  the 
highest  in  man's  heart  struggling  vainly  against  the  lowest  in  man's 
destiny.  .  .  .  Alas,  the  Workhouse  is  the  bourne  whither  all 
these  actors  and  workers  are  bound  j  whence  none  that  has  once 
passed  it  returns !  A  bodeful  sound,  like  the  rustle  of  approaching 
world-devouring  tornadoes  quivers  through  their  whole  existence  j  and 
the  voice  of  it  is,  Pauperism  !  The  thanksgiving  they  offer  up  to 
Heaven  is,  that  they  are  not  yet  Paupers ;  the  earnest  cry  of  their 
prayer  is,  that  *  God  would  shield  them  from  the  bitterness  of  Parish 
Pay.' 


**  Meanwhile,  is  It  not  frightful  as  well  as  mournful  to  consider 
how  the  widespread  evil  is  spreading  wider  and  wider  ?  Most  persons, 
who  have  had  eyes  to  look  with,  may  have  verified,  in  their  own  circle, 
the  statement  of  this  Sheffield  Eye-witness,  and  *from  their  own 
knowledge  and  observation  fearlessly  declare  that  the  little  master- 
manufacturer,  that  the  working  man  generally,  is  in  a  much  worse 
condition  than  he  was  twenty-five  years  ago.'  Unhappily,  the  fact 
is  too  plain  j  the  reason  and  scientific  necessity  of  it  is  too  plain.  In 
this  mad  state  of  things,  every  new  man  is  a  new  misfortune  ;  every 
new  market  a  new  complexity  }  the  chapter  of  chances  grows  ever 
more  incalculable  ;  the   hungry   gamesters  (whose  stake  is  their  life) 

114 


The  Literature  and  Thinkers  of  the  Period 

are  ever  increasing  in  numbers  \  the  world-movement  rolls  on  }  by 
what  method  shall  the  weak  and  help-needing,  who  has  none  to  help 
him,  withstand  it  ?  Alas,  how  many  brave  hearts,  ground  to  pieces 
in  that  unequal  battle,  have  already  sunk !  Must  it  grow  worse  and 
worse,  till  the  last  brave  heart  is  broken  in  England  j  and  this  same 
< brave  Peasantry'  has  become  a  kennel  of  wild-howling,  ravenous 
Paupers  ?  God  be  thanked !  there  is  some  feeble  shadow  of  hope 
that  the  change  may  have  begun  while  it  was  yet  time.  You  may 
lift  the  pressure  from  the  free  man's  shoulders,  and  bid  him  go  forth 
rejoicing ;  but  lift  the  slave's  burden,  he  will  only  wallow  the  more 
composedly  in  his  sloth :  a  nation  of  degraded  men  cannot  be  raised 
up,  except  by  what  we  rightly  name  a  miracle/' 

Thomas  Carlyle  contributed  in  many  ways  to  the 
moral  and  social  ferment  of  the  period.  He  ever 
preached  the  gospel  of  work.  "If  you  have  any- 
thing to  do  in  the  world  do  it  '* ;  this  was  the  bur- 
den of  his  message.  He  was  preeminently  a  utili- 
tarian ;  but  he  was  also  far  more.  He  appreciated 
the  seriousness  of  life.  To  him  duty  was  divine. 
He  had  struggled  up  the  mountain,  he  had  con- 
quered ;  but  only  after  he  had  laboriously  climbed 
over  many  of  those  grave  difficulties  that  beset  the 
path  of  the  conscientious  man,  and  which  at  times 
seem  almost  insurmountable.  After  his  triumph 
he  could  not  remain  silent  while  thousands  on  every 
hand  were  living  the  butterfly  life,  seemingly  ignor- 
ant of  the  great  and  solemn  responsibilities,  the 
wonderful  peace  and  the  infinite  joy  that  come  to 
those  who  realize  the  value  and  dignity  of  existence 

115 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

and  act  up  to  the  highest  vision  vouchsafed  to  them. 
He  hated  sham  and  all  hollow  pretense.  "  His 
great  aim  was  to  call  back  man  4:o  reality."  He 
"  aroused  a  self-seeking  generation  to  a  higher  idea 
of  life,"  and  "  left  an  indeHble  mark  on  the  thought 
of  the  nineteenth  century."  * 

Carlyle  was  born  in  a  humble  home  in  the  Scotch 
village  of  Ecclefechan,  on  the  fourth  of  December, 
1795.  Poor  as  were  his  parents,  they  appreciated 
the  importance  of  education,  and  gladly  made  great 
sacrifices  that  their  boy  might  receive  the  instruction 
that  would  some  day  qualify  him  to  become  a  min- 
ister in  the  Kirk  of  Scotland  ;  for  they  were  ardent 
Calvinists.  At  the  age  of  ten,  after  learning  all  the 
village  schoolmaster  could  impart,  the  lad  entered 
the  academy  at  Annandale  ;  thence,  at  the  age  of 
fourteen,  he  went  to  the  university  of  Edinburgh. 
At  that  time  many  of  the  ambitious  and  poor 
youths  of  Scotland  while  at  the  university  earned 
enough  at  odd  times  to  pay  the  rent  of  their  rooms. 
Their  parents  sent  them  oatmeal  and  potatoes  on 
v/hich  they  lived.  At  intervals  their  clothes  were 
sent  for  and  carefully  mended  by  the  tireless  and 
devoted  mother.  It  was  in  this  manner  that  Thomas 
Carlyle  went  through  college. 

At  length  the   hour   came   when   the   university 

■^May  Alden  Ward,  "Prophets  of  the  Nineteenth  Century,"  p.  7. 
116 


The  Literature  and  Thinkers  of  the  Period 

course  was  ended.  The  parents  expected  the  boy 
to  enter  the  ministry,  but  his  heart  willed  otherwise. 
He  was  now  nineteen  years  of  age,  and  during  his 
studies  his  intellectual  vision  had  broadened.  Many 
things  that  he  had  unhesitatingly  accepted  as  a  child 
did  not  commend  themselves  to  his  more  mature 
intellect.  In  a  word,  he  felt  that  he  could  not  con- 
scientiously accept  much  that  a  minister  of  the  Kirk 
of  Scotland  was  compelled  to  subscribe  to. 

The  conflicting  desires  on  the  one  hand  to  please 
his  parents  and  satisfy  the  expectations  of  his 
friends,  and  on  the  other  to  be  loyal  to  his  own  con- 
viction of  right,  led  to  one  of  those  intense  mental 
conflicts  that  are  apt  to  trouble  sensitive  and  finely 
strung  natures.  How  real  and  terrible  this  battle 
was  we  may  judge  from  his  own  words.  "  I  entered 
my  chamber,"  he  writes,  "  and  closed  the  door,  and 
around  me  there  came  a  trooping  throng  of  phan- 
toms dire  from  the  abysmal  depth  of  the  nether- 
most perdition.  Doubt,  fear,  unbelief,  mockery 
and  scoffing  were  there  ;  and  I  wrestled  with  them 
in  agony  of  spirit.  Thus  it  was  for  weeks.  Whether 
I  ate  I  know  not,  whether  I  drank  I  know  not, 
whether  I  slept  I  know  not.  But  I  know  that 
when  I  came  forth  again  it  was  with  the  direful  pur- 
suasion  that  I  was  the  miserable  owner  of  a  diaboli- 
cal arrangement  called  a  stomach." 

117 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

This  struggle  was  one  of  the  most  momentous  of 
Carlyle's  life.  It  involved  by  no  means  merely  a 
decision  affecting  a  profession,  but  was  rather  a  bat- 
tle between  the  light  and  darkness  ;  between  whether 
he  should  at  all  times  hold  resolutely  to  his  convic- 
tion of  right,  or  should  on  occasion  compromise  his 
ideal  with  ignoble  demands  ;  whether  the  aim  and 
object  of  his  life  should  be  fame,  money,  place  and 
power,  or  fidelity  to  truth  and  to  all  that  was  highest 
in  his  nature.  Of  his  victory,  of  the  conclusion 
finally  reached  by  him  and  that  governed  his  life,  v/e 
catch  a  luminous  glimpse  in  these  striking  words  : 

"  We  are  here  to  do  God's  will.  The  only  key  to  a  right  life  is 
self-renunciation.  The  man  who  lives  for  self,  who  works  for  selfish 
ends,  is  a  charlatan  at  bottom,  no  matter  how  great  his  powers.  The 
man  who  lives  for  self  alone  has  never  caught  a  vision  of  the  true 
meaning  and  order  of  the  universe.  Human  life  is  a  solemn  thing, — 
an  arena  wherein  God's  purpose  is  to  be  worked  out.  I  must,  with 
open,  spiritual  vision,  behold  in  this  universe,  and  through  it,  the 
Mighty  All,  its  Creator,  in  His  beauty  and  grandeur,  humbling  the 
small  Me  into  nothingness.  His  purpose,  not  mine,  shall  be  carried 
out,  for  to  that  end  the  universe  exists.  Life  shall  be  a  barren,  worth- 
less thing  for  me  unless  I  seek  to  fall  in  with  God's  plan,  and  do  the 
work  he  has  sent  me  here  to  do.  Ah,  then,  the  torturous  pangs  of 
disappointed  hopes,  jealousy,  and  despair  shall  be  at  rest,  and  I,  now 
in  harmony  with  God,  can  sing  at  my  work,  and  amid  my  toil  find 
blessed  rest.  For,  what  though  I  fail  to  reach  the  mark  I  set  before 
me  j  what  though  its  immediate  results  have  been  small  ?  The  very 
attempt,  persevered  in,  of  working  out  the  Divine  purpose  in  my  life, 
has  made  that  life  a  truly  noble  one.      Now,  indeed,  I  am  indepen- 

ii8 


The  Literature  and  Thinkers  of  the  Period 

dent  of  the  world's  smile  or  frown,  since  I  am  in  harmony  with  God, 
and  have  His  smile  as  the  light  of  my  life.  I  have  got  into  the 
blessed  region  of  the  *  Everlasting  Yea.'  And  however  ill  outwardly 
and  apparently,  all  is  going  well  for  me  inwardly  and  ultimately." 

Carlyle  refused  to  enter  the  ministry  and  for  a 
time  taught.  Next  he  studied  law,  but  in  due  time 
renounced  that  too.  At  length  friends  secured  him 
work  on  the  "Edinburgh  Encyclopaedia."  At  about 
this  time  a  friend  introduced  him  to  Mrs.  Welsh 
and  her  daughter  Jenny.  Carlyle  fell  in  love  with 
the  latter,  and  finally  won  her  consent.  The  two 
were  married,  and  for  a  time  they  almost  starved  in 
Edinburgh  ;  for  Carlyle  was  a  slow  and  laborious 
writer.  Finally  poverty  drove  them  to  a  little 
moorland  farm  that  Jenny  had  inherited  at  Craigen- 
puttoch  ;  it  was  a  desolate  place,  fifteen  miles  from 
a  village,  and  the  nearest  neighbor  more  than  a  mile 
away.  Here  Carlyle  lived  for  seven  years,  and  here 
he  wrote  "  Sartor  Resartus."  At  length  poverty 
drove  him  from  this  retreat  also,  and  he  journeyed  to 
London  in  search  of  work.  Finally  he  settled  in 
Chelsea,  where  he  wrote  his  greatest  work,  ''The 
French  Revolution,"  and  many  other  contributions 
to  the  permanent  literature  of  the  English  language, 
while  keeping  in  touch  with  the  progressive  move- 
ments of  the  age  and  with  the  leading  spirits  in 
revolt. 

"9 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

Charles  Dickens  was  another  thinker  who  con- 
tributed in  no  small  degree  to  the  humanitarian 
spirit  of  the  time.  He  was  then  a  young  man 
busily  engaged  in  journalism,  but  whose  brain  was 
teeming  with  pictures  of  social  wrong  ;  he  employed 
his  leisure  moments  in  writing  those  marvelous 
stories  that  portrayed  so  graphically  and  terribly 
many  of  the  evils  of  the  day  as  to  force  an  excla- 
mation of  horror  from  society,  the  exclamation 
being  followed  by  the  interrogation,  "Are  these 
things  true  ?  "  Now,  the  exclamation  and  the  inter- 
rogation point  are  the  staff  and  the  crook  of  Pro- 
gress ;  when  they  are  once  raised,  reform  soon  fol- 
lows. So  this  strong  young  man  unmasked  so 
effectively  many  of  the  crying  evils  suffered  by  the 
poor  that  the  abolition  of  some  of  them  became 
comparatively  easy.  Dickens  not  only  knew  that 
the  pictures  he  drew  were  mainly  true,  he  was  able 
to  sympathize  with  the  poor ;  for  he  was  no  stran- 
ger to  poverty.  He  had  seen  his  own  father  taken 
from  their  home  to  prison  for  debt.  The  pawn- 
broker was  not  unknown  in  his  family.  His  edu- 
cation had  been  very  scanty,  and  he  had  known 
what  it  was  to  drudge. 

At  fifteen  years  of  age  Dickens  entered  an  attor- 
ney's office  as  office-boy.  While  here  he  determined 
to  become  a  parliamentary  reporter  and  to  enter  the 


The  Literature  mid  Thinkers  of  the  Period 

field  of  journalism  and  literature.  The  story  of  his 
struggle  and  victory,  with  so  meager  an  education 
as  one  of  m.any  barriers  confronting  him,  should  be 
an  inspiration  to  every  aspiring  youth.  It  is  the 
story  of  work — of  patient,  persistent,  and  energetic 
application.  But  Dickens  had  more  than  an  iron 
will ;  he  had  also  a  strong  imagination,  and  an  origi- 
nal intellect.  In  a  degree  almost  unique  among 
authors  he  possessed  the  noble  virtue  of  human 
sympathy,  which  brought  him  en  rapport  with  the 
awakening  moral  enthusiasm  of  the  period.  He  had 
confronted  Poverty  and  with  sinking  heart  looked 
the  terror  squarely  in  the  face.  Hence  he  could  sym- 
pathize with  those  who  suffered  from  its  cruel  grasp. 

His  life  as  a  reporter  brought  him  in  touch 
with  the  ethical  ideals  with  which  the  time  was  rife, 
with  the  great  suffering  of  the  poor,  and  with  the 
injustice  that  the  weak  were  too  often  forced  to  bear. 
Thus  it  came  to  pass  that  the  helpless  ones  became  his 
special  charge  and  valiantly  did  he  strive  to  awaken 
sympathy  for  the  weak  and  the  unfortunate,  while 
unmasking  great  wrongs  and  combating  crying  evils. 

While  Charles  Dickens  was  appealing  to  the  con- 
science of  readers  in  his  novels  there  was  in  one  of 
London's  homes  of  wealth  and  culture  a  wonder- 
fully gifted  young  woman,  whose  poems  had  already 
brought  her  fame,  and  who  was  destined  to  rise   to 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

a  high  place  among  the  Victorian  authors,  and  to 
become  the  wife  of  the  greatest  Enghsh  poet  of  the 
century. 

At  this  time  EHzabeth  Barrett  was  an  invahd ; 
indeed,  her  physician  doubted  whether  she  would 
ever  recover  her  health.  Yet,  in  spite  of  intense 
suffering,  she  persisted  in  studying,  in  writing,  and 
in  keeping  in  touch  with  the  great  bustling  world. 
The  spirit  of  the  age  had  penetrated  into  her  dark- 
ened room,  and  the  moral  welfare  of  the  people 
was  of  deep  concern  to  her.  Among  her  friends 
was  Richard  Henry  Home,  the  poet  and  essayist; 
he  also  was  interested  in  the  condition  of  the  poor ; 
he  had  been  appointed  assistant  commissioner  in  a 
government  investigation  started  to  learn  the  facts 
connected  with  child-labor  in  the  mines,  factories  and 
shops  of  the  realm.  The  revelations  were  as  start- 
ling as  they  were  shameful ;  on  the  publication  of 
the  report,  Miss  Barrett  first  became  acquainted 
with  facts  revealing  the  tragic  fate  of  tens  of  thou- 
sands of  little  ones.  She  read  the  report  with 
something  akin  to  horror.  The  condition  of  the 
children  haunted  her  waking  and  her  sleeping  hours. 
One  day  she  took  her  pen  and  wrote  that  immortal 
poem  and  protest  "The  Cry  of  the  Children,"* 

^See  <<  Typical  Poems  and  Songs  of  the  Period  of  the  Corn-Law 
and  Chartist  Agitations,"  in  Appendix. 


The  Lite7^ature  and  Thinkers  of  the  Period 

one  of  the  most  moving  heart-cries  of  the  age,  which, 
together  with  Thomas  Hood's  "  Song  of  the  Shirt  '* 
and  "  The  Bridge  of  Sighs,"  *  epitomizes  the  tragic 
fate  of  thousands  of  children  and  women  under  the 
reign  of  miodern  commerciahsm.  The  Rev.  WilHam 
James  Dawson  points  out  the  interesting  fact  that 
by  these  three  poems  the  city,  in  its  tragic  social 
aspect,  became  definitely  annexed  to  the  realm  of 
English  poetry.  He  also  regards  Elizabeth  Barrett 
and  Thomas  Hood  as  pioneers  in  the  modern  move- 
ment that  is  fast  socializing  poetry  in  spirit  as  well 
as  in  theme.  *{* 

Like  Ehzabeth  Barrett,  Thomas  Hood  suffered 
much  from  sickness  ;  in  his  case,  to  the  pain  of 
physical  disease  was  added  also  the  anxious  care  and 
harassment  of  mind  that  are  known  fully  only  by 
the  man  who  is  batthng  bravely  to  support  a  family. 
Though  sick  and  poor,  however.  Hood  was  one  of 
those  rare  natures  that  meet  life's  perplexities  with  a 
strong  heart  and  smiHng  eye.  He  was  one  of  the 
bravest  and  kindliest  of  men  ;  the  world  little  sus- 
pected the  pain  of  body  or  the  distress  of  mind 
that  filled  many  days  when,  with  a  winning  smile 
and  a  cheerful  word  or  charming  jest,  he  gladdened 
all  with  whom  he  came  in  contact.      He  was  a  gifted 

*  Ibid. 

j- W.  J.  Dawson,  "  Makers  of  Modern  English,"  pp.  161-163. 
123 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

author.  His  wit  and  humor  were  inimitable,  and 
he  possessed  deep  insight  and  the  imagination  of  a 
true  poet.  Had  he  not  been  forced  to  devote  his 
best  years  simply  to  writing  matter  that  would  bring 
in  ready  money,  he  might  have  ranked  among  the 
foremost  poets  of  the  Victorian  era.  '^The  Song 
of  the  Shirt/*  "  The  Bridge  of  Sighs,'*  and  others 
of  his  creations  reveal  genuine  poetic  genius,  and 
will  live  in  our  literature.  In  his  incessant  struggle 
to  provide  for  his  loved  ones,  he  burned  the  taper 
at  both  ends ;  when  so  ill  that  he  should  have 
enjoyed  absolute  respite  from  toil,  he  was  still  forced 
to  drive  the  pen  for  bread.  He  always  made  light 
of  his  own  sufferings.  Even  when  the  shadow  of 
death  lay  on  his  brow,  he  strove  to  charm  away  the 
tears  from  the  loving  eyes  of  those  ministering  to 
him  with  the  following  grim  but  characteristic  jest. 
The  doctor  had  ordered  a  mustard  plaster  to  be 
applied  to  his  chest  to  relieve  the  paroxysms  of  pain 
and  of  coughing.  When  the  plaster  was  being  put 
on  his  emaciated  breast.  Hood  said,  with  the  old- 
time  twinkle  in  his  eye  :  "  That  seems  a  great  deal 
of  mustard  for  so  little  meat." 

It  was  in  1843  ^^^^  Hood  wrote  "  The  Song  of 
the  Shirt."  This  poem  and  "  The  Bridge  of  Sighs  " 
endeared  him  to  the  reformers  of  England ;  when 

in  1845  ^^  died,  all  who  were  battling  for  better  con- 

124 


The  Literature  and  Thinkers  of  the  Period 

ditions  for  the  poor  felt  that  progress  and  humanity 
had  sustained  a  great  loss.  Gerald  Massey  uttered 
the  sentiment  of  tens  of  thousands  in  the  following 
noble  lines : 

<*  He  might  have  clutched  the  palm  of  Victory 
In  the  world's  wrestling-ring  of  noble  deeds  j 
But  he  went  down  a  precious  Argosy 
At  sea,  just  glimmering  into  sight  of  shore, 
With  its  rare  freightage  from   diviner  climes. 
While  friends  were  crowding  at  the  Harbour  mouth 
To  meet  and  welcome  the  brave  Sailor  back. 
He  saw,  and  sank  in  sight  of  them  and  home! 
The  world  may  never  know  the  wealth  it  lost, 
When   Hood  went  darkling  to  his  tearful  tomb, 
So  mighty  in  his  undeveloped  force  ! 
With  all  his  crowding  unaccomplished  hopes — 
Th'   unuttered  wealth  and  glory  of  his  soul — 
And  all  the  music  ringing  round  his  life. 
And  poems  stirring  in  his  dying  brain. 
But  blessings  on  him  for  the  songs  he  sang — 
Which  yearned  about  the  world  till  then  for  birth ! 
How  like  a  bonny  bird  of  God  he  came. 
And  poured  his  heart  in  music  for  the  Poor, 
Who  sit  in  gloom  while  sunshine  floods  the  land. 
And  grope  through  darkness,  for  the  hand  of  Help, 
And  trampled  Manhood  heard,  and  claimed  its  crown  j 
And  trampled  Womanhood  sprang  up  ennobled !  " 

Ebenezer  Elliott  had  been,  as  has  been  said,  the 
voice  of  one  crying  in  the  wilderness  of  special 
privilege  "  Prepare   ye   the  way  !  "     After  he    had 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

written  his  poems  of  protest  came  the  scholarly 
Charles  Mackay,  the  poet  of  the  Anti-Corn-Law 
League,  and  Gerald  Massey,  the  radical  prophet-poet 
of  progress,  who  voiced  the  spirit  of  Chartism, — 
greater  in  power,  in  imagination,  and  in  poetic  feel- 
ing than  either  Elliott  or  Mackay.  No  story  of 
the  social  movement  of  the  'forties  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  would  be  complete  that  left  out  of 
the  account  the  works  of  these  two  popular  poets. 

Charles  Mackay  was  born  in  Scotland,  though  he 
was  educated  in  London  and  in  Brussels.  From 
early  youth  he  had  been  an  omnivorous  reader,  and 
at  school  he  excelled  in  mathematics.  Later  he 
showed  aptitude  for  the  languages,  learning  to  write 
and  speak  French  with  the  fluency  of  an  educated 
Parisian.  He  mastered  also  German,  and  could 
speak  Italian  and  Spanish.  But  the  child  who  his 
delighted  master  had  once  predicted  would  become 
one  of  the  most  distinguished  mathemeticians  of  the 
age,  turned  to  Hterature.  His  love  for  making 
verses,  which  took  possession  of  him  when  he  was 
still  a  little  boy,  seemed  to  increase  with  advancing 
years. 

In  1832,  when  eighteen  years  of  age,  Mackay 
entered  London  in  search  of  work.  After  a  time 
he  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  place  on  the  Daily 
Chronicle;  by  the  time  the  League  had  compelled 

126 


The  Literature  and  Thinkers  of  the  Period 

the  great  papers  of  the  realm  to  open  their  columns 
to  the  movement,  he  held  an  important  post  on  its 
editorial  staff.  He  soon  became  deeply  interested 
in  the  work  of  the  League,  catching  the  moral 
enthusiasm  that  radiated  from  Richard  Cobden,  John 
Bright  and  other  leaders.  Mackay  edited  the  Corn- 
Law  and  Free-Trade  news  department  of  the 
Chronicle;  he  also  wrote  many  of  the  strongest 
editorials  on  these  subjects  that  appeared  in  that 
great  journal.  Not  content  however  with  address- 
ing the  reason  of  his  countrymen,  he  appealed  to 
their  sentiment  and  imagination  in  fable  *  and  in 
verse,  f  His  poems  were  greatly  in  vogue  at  the 
time,  being  circulated  by  tens  of  thousands.  They 
were  on  the  lips  of  the  popular  orators,  and  not  a 
few  of  them  were  sung  by  the  multitudes  at  the 
great  League  meetings  that  so  excited  the  indigna- 
tion of  the  Tories. 

The  rhymes  of  Mackay  were  far  less  radical,  or 
defiant,  in  tone  and  spirit  than  were  the  trumpet 
calls  of  Gerald  Massey.  Indeed,  the  Scotch  poet 
might  be  called  a  conservative  agitator,  paradoxical 
as  the  term  may  sound.  He  entertained  scant 
sympathy  for  Chartism,  or  for  the  more  aggressive 

*  See  "  The  Tailor-ruled  Land,"  in  Appendix, 
■j- See  '*  Typical  Poems  and  Songs  of  the  Period  of  the  Corn-Law 
and  Chartist  Agitations,"  in  Appendix. 

127 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

and  revolutionary  spirit  abroad  at  that  time.  He 
abhorred  the  employment  of  force ;  on  only  one  or 
two  occasions  does  it  appear  that  he  was  influenced 
by  the  swelling  tide  of  revolt  to  such  a  degree  as  to 
express  the  possibility  of  the  progressive  movement 
ever  requiring  the  use  of  the  cannon-ball.  His 
poems  carry  with  them  the  inspiration  that  is  born 
of  a  passionate  love  of  justice  and  of  human  broth- 
erhood. Most  of  them  are  full  of  faith  in  man 
and  of  hope  for  the  future.  They  thus  served  to 
cheer  and  sustain  the  people  during  the  long  night- 
time that  followed  the  various  reverses  encountered 
by  the  League. 

Gerald  Massey  was  incomparably  the  greatest  of 
the  poet-agitators.  He  possessed  imagination,  deep 
poetic  feeling,  and  the  prophet  spirit  as  did  none 
other  of  the  people's  rhymers  of  this  period.  His 
poems  have  proved  a  positive  help  and  inspiration 
to  all  social  reformers  and  friends  of  the  people 
since  they  were  penned.  It  is  true  they  were  for 
the  most  part  written  after  the  repeal  of  the  Corn- 
Laws,  and  were  inspired  largely  by  the  wide-spread 
revolution  on  the  Continent  that  made  1848  so 
memorable,  and  which,  in  spite  of  its  failure,  fur- 
thered in  many  ways  the  idea  of  freedom  through- 
out western  Europe. 

The  ferment  that  led  to  the  banishment  of  Giu- 
128 


The  Literature  and  Thinkers  of  the  Period 

seppe  Mazzini  from  Italy,  and  that  which  caused 
the  exile  of  Karl  Marx  and  of  Richard  Wagner 
from  Germany,  thrilled  Massey  and  called  forth 
some  of  the  strongest  and  most  moving  didactic, 
or  reformative,  lines  to  be  found  in  Anglo-Saxon 
literature.  Hence,  though  most  of  these  poems 
were  composed,  as  has  just  been  said,  after  the  great 
peaceful  victory  had  been  won  that  repealed  the  Corn 
Laws  and  gave  England  free  trade  in  breadstuffs, 
they  were  part  of  the  fruitage  of  the  educational  agi- 
tation begun  by  Chartism  and  the  League,  and 
properly  belong  to  any  story  of  this  memorable 
struggle. 

Gerald  Massey  was  born  into  a  home  of  extreme 
poverty.  When  he  was  only  eight  years  of  age  we 
find  him  working  twelve  hours  a  day  in  a  silk  fac- 
tory, and  receiving  for  his  services  from  eighteen 
to  thirty-six  cents  a  week.  Yet  even  this  small  sum 
was  needed  to  save  the  family  from  starvation.  His 
own  description  of  the  bitter  struggle  of  his  boy- 
hood is  extremely  pathetic.  He  knew,  as  few  poets 
have  known,  what  the  poor  suffer.  He  had  felt 
their  bitterness  of  soul,  and  chose  to  forego  the 
fame  and  emolument  that  would  have  been  his  had 
he  given  himself  solely  to  lyrical  verse,  pleasing  to 
conventionalism,  instead  of  stepping  forth  and  join- 
ing the  little  band  of  chosen  ones  who  preferred  to 

9  »29 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

fight  for  progress,  for  justice,  and  for  popular 
happiness,  even  though  they  fought  alone  and 
suffered  much.  So  long  as  there  is  injustice  to 
be  assailed,  so  long  as  there  is  uninvited  poverty 
to  be  abolished,  so  long  as  Oppression  and  Wrong 
are  enthroned  in  power,  the  prophet  voice  of 
Gerald  Massey  will  thrill  the  hearts  of  those  who 
feel  for  humanity  and  who  consecrate  their  lives 
to  its  cause. 

Massey  was  very  bold  in  many  of  his  expres- 
sions. No  prophet  who  in  olden  times  trod  the 
burning  sands  of  Palestine  has  arraigned  in  stronger 
or  more  biting  terms  the  iniquities  of  convention- 
alism, or  the  injustice  of  many  things  in  the  social 
order.  There  are  in  Life  scenes  so  tragic  that  the 
heart  sickens  when  contemplating  them,  scenes  that 
fill  the  soul  with  a  nameless  horror  and  make  it 
cease  to  be  a  safe  and  sober  counselor ;  but,  like 
the  prophet  of  old,  it  turns  its  wrath  upon  the  slow- 
thinking  multitude  who  impassively  witness  the  old 
man's  vain  prayer  for  pauper-pay,  the  old  woman's 
slow  starvation,  the  virtual  serfdom  of  the  young 
men  (who  nevertheless  create  the  bulk  of  the  nation's 
wealth),  and,  more  terrible  than  all,  the  helpless  and 
revolting  prostitution  of  the  maidens.  It  is  with 
this  supreme  tragedy  before  his   eyes,  that  we  find 

Mr.  Massey  in  such  poems  as  "  Our  Fathers  are 

130 


The  Literature  and  Thinkers  of  the  Period 

Praying  for  Pauper-pay,"  *  pouring  forth  words 
that  are  well  calculated  to  startle  alike  the  thought- 
less rich  and  the  slow-thinking  poor. 

In  a  time  of  social  ferment,  when  larger  views  of 
life  were  opening  before  the  mental  vision  of  men, 
one  can  easily  understand  how  such  lines  as  these 
of  Massey's  stirred  the  popular  imagination,  and  in 
how  marked  a  degree  they  became  an  inspiration  to 
thousands : 

**'Tis  coming  up  the  steep  of  Time, 

And  this  old  world  is  growing  brighter! 
We  may  not  see  its  Dawn  sublime, 

Yet  high  hopes  make  the  heart  throb  lighter ! 
Our  dust  may  slumber  under-ground 

When  it  awakes  the  world  in  wonder  j 
But  we  have  felt  it  gathering  round  ! — 

We  have  heard  its  voice  of  distant  thunder ! 
'T  is  Coming  !  yes,  't  is  Coming! 

" 'T  is  coming  now,  that  glorious  time 
Foretold  by  Seers,  and  sung  in  story, 
For  which,  when  thinking  was  a  crime, 

Souls  leaped  to  heaven  from  scaffolds  gory ! 
They  passed.     But  lo  !  the  work  they  've  wrought. 

Now  the  crowned  hopes  of  Centuries  blossom  ! 
The  lightning  of  their  living  thought 

Is  flashing  through  us,  brain  and  bosom  : 
'T  is  Coming!  yes,  't  is  Coming! 

*  See  "  Typical  Poems  and  Songs  of  the  Period  of  the  Corn-Law 
and  Chartist  Agitations,"  in  Appendix. 

131 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

The  World  will  not  forever  bow 

To  things  that  mock  God's  own  endeavour. 

'T  is  nearer  than  they  wot  of  now, 

When  Flowers  shall  wreathe  their  Sword  forever  I 
'T  is  Coming  !  yes,  't  is  Coming! 

"Fraternity!  Love's  other  name! 

Dear,  heaven-connecting  link  of  being  j 
Then  shall  we  grasp  thy  golden  dream, 

As  souls,  fuU-statured,  grow  far-seeing  : 
Thou  shalt  unfold  our  better  part. 

And  in  our  life-cup  yield  more  honey  ; 
Light  up  with  joy  the  Poor  Man's  heart, 

And  Love's  own  world  with  smiles  more  sunny! 
'T  is  Coming!  yes,  't  is  Coming!" 


In  these  verses  beginning  with  a  fine  apostrophe 
to  Liberty,  Massey  reflected  the  cherished  hope  of 
miUions  of  upward-striving  souls  : 

**  Immortal  Liberty  !  we  see  thee  stand 

Like  Morn  just  stepped  from  heaven  upon  a  mountain, 
With  beautiful  feet,  and  blessing-laden  hand. 

And  heart  that  welleth  Love's  most  living  fountain  ! 
O!  when  wilt  thou  draw  from  the   People's  lyre 

Joy's  broken  chord?  and  on  the  People's  brow 
Set  Empire's  crown  ?  light  up  thy  Altar-fire 

Within  their  hearts,  with  an  undying  glow  ; 

Nor  give  us  blood  for  milk,  as  men  are  drunk  with  now? 

*<01d  legends  tell  us  of  a  Golden  Age, 

When  earth  was  guiltless, — Gods  the  guests  of  men. 
Ere  sin  had  dimmed  the  heart's  illumined  page, — 
132 


The  Literature  and  Thinkers  of  the  Period 

And  prophet-voices  say  't  will  come  again. 
O  !  happy  age  !  when  love  shall  rule  the  heart, 

And  time  to  live  shall  be  the  poor  man's  dower. 
When  Martyrs  bleed  no  more,  nor  Exiles  smart, — 

Mind  is  the  only  diadem  of  power. — 

People,  it  ripens  now!  awake  !  and  strike  the  hour. 

"  Hearts,  high  and  mighty,  gather  in  our  cause } 

Bless,  bless,  O  God,  and  crown  their  earnest  labour. 

Who  dauntless  fight  to  win  us  Equal  Laws, 
With  mental  armour  and  with  spirit-sabre  ! 

Bless,  bless,  O  God  !  the  proud  intelligence. 

That  now  is  dawning  on  the  People's  forehead, — 

Humanity  springs  from  them  like  incense. 

The  Future  bursts  upon  them,  boundless — starried — 
They  weep  repentant  tears,  that  they  so  long  have  tarried." 

As  a  rule,  the  sympathy  of  the  clergy  of  the 
Church  of  England  was  strongly  on  the  side  of  the 
Tories ;  but  it  was  impossible  that  an  educational 
agitation,  carried  on  for  a  number  of  years  and 
appealing  primarily  to  the  sense  of  right  and  justice, 
should  fail  to  influence  some  of  the  more  thought- 
ful and  conscientious  members  of  the  clergy. 
Among  the  ripe  scholars  and  finished  writers  who 
spoke  for  justice  from  the  ranks  of  the  EstabHshed 
Church,  Frederick  D.  Maurice  and  Charles  Kingsley 
call  for  special  notice.  They  chose  to  imitate  in  a 
large  way  the  life  and  teachings  of  the  great  Naza- 
rene,  rather  than  to  follow  in  the  wake  of  the  con- 
ventional priesthood. 

133 


How  England  Averted  a  devolution  of  Force 

Mr.  Maurice  was  one  of  the  noblest  clergymen 
in  the  Church  of  England  at  that  period.  He  was 
a  scholar  and  a  man  of  great  ability.  He  might 
easily  have  won  a  commanding  place  in  literature, 
or  have  risen  high  in  the  councils  of  the  church, 
while  enjoying  a  life  of  wealth,  ease,  and  luxury ; 
but  he  was  too  great  a  man  to  be  seduced  by  the 
siren  voice  of  conventionality.  He  had  come  under 
the  influence  of  a  new  idea — or  rather  of  an  idea 
new  to  the  church  of  that  day.  This  idea  is  admir- 
ably expressed  by  Massey  thus  :  "  Humanity  is  one. 
The  Eternal  intends  to  show  us  that  humanity  is 
one.  And  the  family  is  more  than  the  individual 
member,  the  nation  is  more  than  the  family,  and 
the  human  race  is  more  than  the  nation." 

The  Golden  Rule,  the  Fatherhood  of  God,  the 
Brotherhood  of  Man,  the  essential  solidarity  of  the 
race,  and  the  reciprocal  dependence  and  responsi- 
bihty  of  the  units  were  fundamental  facts  in  Maurice's 
religious  belief.  He  was  one  of  those  brave  teachers 
who  insist  on  taking  Jesus'  lofty  utterances  in  the 
Sermon  on  the  Mount  seriously  ;  and  holding  these 
views  he  could  not  remain  idle  or  silent  when  the 
poor  were  starving,  when  on  every  side  there  were 
multitudes  of  victims  to  unjust  conditions  and  to 
the  slavery  of  ignorance.  He  therefore  drew  round 
him  a  band  of  consecrated  workers  and  began  teach- 

134 


The  Literature  and  Thinkers  of  the  Period 

ing  in  a  systematic  way  the  new  social  ideas  in  a 
somewhat  modified  form.  He  went  far  beyond  the 
Anti-Corn-Law  leaders,  even  beyond  the  Chartist 
manifesto,  in  advocating  the  formation  of  cooper- 
ative associations  for  the  benefit  of  workers,  and  in 
promulgating  the  principles  of  Christian  Socialism. 
In  this  great  work  he  was  ably  seconded  by  his 
enthusiastic  disciple,  Charles  Kingsley. 

Before  leaving  Maurice,  however,  we  must  men- 
tion his  great  effort  for  the  education  and  upliftment 
of  the  poor.  He  understood  the  peril  of  ignorance 
and  the  broadening,  enriching  and  refining  effect  of 
sound  education.  Hence  he  set  at  work  to  bring 
its  blessings  within  the  reach  of  the  artisans  in  the 
metropolis.  Night  schools  were  formed,  and  an 
extended  work  looking  toward  the  general  education 
of  old  and  young  was  entered  upon.  Next  he  set  at 
work  to  secure  for  the  artisans  the  benefits  of  a  col- 
lege curriculum.  His  labors  were  ably  seconded  by 
other  fine  scholars,  who  gladly  gave  their  services 
free,  and  by  philanthropic  men  of  means  who  gen- 
erously aided  the  movement.  Before  long  as  a 
result  of  these  labors  two  institutions,  the  Work- 
ingmen's  College  and  the  Queen's  College  for 
Women,  were  established.  These  institutions  have 
wrought  great  good  in  the  metropolis  of  England, 
and  they  have   indirectly  materially   furthered  the 

135 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

spread  of  education  among  the  artisans  in  various 
centers  throughout  the  English-speaking  world. 

Bolder  and  more  outspoken  than  Maurice  was 
his  ardent  disciple  Charles  Kingsley,  who  when  still 
a  young  man  came  under  the  influence  of  the 
humanitarian  sentiment  of  the  age.  Kingsley  was 
born  in  1819.  He  was  graduated  from  Magdalene 
college,  Cambridge,  in  1842.  Like  Maurice,  he 
felt  that  the  minister  of  Christ  should  take  the  life 
and  teachings  of  the  great  Exemplar  seriously.  He 
loved  his  fellow-men  and  sought  to  follow  in  the 
footsteps  of  the  Master.  The  condition  of  the  very 
poor  among  the  farmers  of  England  awakened  a 
measureless  sympathy  in  his  heart.  He  knew  that 
things  were  wrong  in  Church  and  in  State  when, 
with  the  life  and  teachings  of  the  Founder  of  our 
religion  ever  before  Christian  England,  such  suf- 
fering should  exist  as  everywhere  met  his  eye. 

In  1848  appeared  Kingsley's  first  novel  "Yeast." 
It  dealt  with  the  poverty  prevailing  among  the 
agrarian  population.  He  soon  found,  however,  that 
conditions  so  revolting  as  to  be  almost  inconceivable 
existed  among  the  sweated  tailors  of  London.  The 
scenes  that  met  his  eye  during  his  investigations 
there  called  forth  a  powerful  protest  entitled  '^  Cheap 
Clothes  and  Nasty."      They  also  served  to  make 

this  clergyman  of  the  State  church,  for   a   time  at 

136 


The  Literature  and  Thinkers  of  the  Period 

least,  a  radical  among  radicals.  On  one  occasion 
he  declared  himself  "  a  Church  of  England  parson 
— and  a  Chartist."  In  sermon,  in  tract,  and  in 
story  Kingsley  sought  to  work  a  social  revolution. 
"All  systems  of  society,"  he  once  affirmed,  "  which 
favor  the  accumulation  of  capital  in  a  few  hands, 
which  oust  the  masses  from  the  soil  which  their  fore- 
fathers possessed  of  old,  which  reduce  them  to  the 
level  of  serfs  and  day-labourers  living  on  wages  and 
on  alms,  which  crush  them  down  with  debt,  or  in 
any  wise  degrade  and  enslave  them,  or  deny  them 
a  permanent  stake  in  the  commonwealth,  are 
contrary  to  the  kingdom  of  God  which  Jesus 
proclaimed." 

In  1848  he  wrote  his  strongest  and  most  vital, 
though  by  no  means  his  most  finished,  novel  "Alton 
Locke," — a  story  in  which  the  reader  is  taken  into 
the  wretched  environment  of  the  victims  of  the 
sweating  system  in  London,  as  Kingsley  found  it» 
Here  the  revolting  filth  and  the  wretched  poverty 
of  the  unfortunate  slaves  of  modern  commercialism 
are  brought  home  to  the  reader  in  a  manner  that  is 
possible  only  when  a  writer  has  actually  seen  the 
bitter  lot  of  the  suffering  ones,  and  when  he  also 
possesses  a  great,  loving  and  sympathetic  heart. 
The  novel  caught  the  fancy  of  the  hour  and  sold 

by  thousands,  thus  serving  its  author's  great  pur- 

137 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

pose,  which  was  to  arouse  further  public  opinion 
to  the  injustice  endured  by  the  poor.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  in  one  remarkable  chapter  of  this 
novel  Kingsley  shows  how  the  conditions  of  the 
very  poor  made  Chartists.  Had  Kingsley  written 
nothing  but  "Alton  Locke,"  his  life  would  have 
been  grandly  worth  the  while ;  though  as  a  literary 
creation  it  is  very  faulty  in  many  respects,  as  a  con- 
science novel,  as  a  voice  speaking  from  the  highway 
of  progress  and  calling  to  the  sluggish  heart  of  the 
world,  it  is  a  great  work — one  of  the  most  notable 
contributions  of  the  'forties  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury to  the  literature  of  reform.  Kingsley  fought 
social  and  economic  injustice  on  the  ground  that 
they  were  contrary  to  the  teachings  of  Jesus. 

With  other  devoted  Church-of-England  reform- 
ers, Charles  Kingsley  entered  enthusiastically  into  a 
movement  to  further  Christian  Socialism.  Much 
of  the  socialistic  thought  found  to-day  in  the 
religious  population  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  world  had 
its  origin — or  at  least  received  its  first  great  impulse — 
from  the  writings  and  work  of  Frederick  Maurice 
and  Charles  Kingsley.  But  Kingsley,  like  his  friend 
and  master  in  reform,  was  by  no  means  content  with 
simply  promulgating  his  beliefs  on  social  problems. 
He  was  ever  ready  to  engage  in  any  active  work  that 

promised  practical  results  of  a  socialistic  character. 

138 


The  Literature  and  Thinkers  of  the  Period 

He  assisted  to  the  extent  of  his  ability  in  an  effort 
to  establish  cooperative  shops,  while  he  was  one  of 
the  ablest  scholars  who  gave  their  services  gratu- 
itously to  the  college  work  for  the  artisan  class  of 
which  Maurice  was  the  head  and  front. 

Of  Canon  Kingsley's  poetry  and  of  his  numerous 
prose  works  that  were  not  distinctively  reformatory 
in  character  it  is  not  our  purpose  here  to  speak,  fur- 
ther than  to  observe  that  all  his  writings  breathe  a 
highly  religious  and  deeply  humanitarian  spirit.  A 
lofty  altruism  that  beautifully  reflected  the  spirit 
and  letter  of  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount,  char- 
acterized his  life  and  work.  He  was  from  first  to 
last  a  faithful  apostle  of  justice  and  of  the  higher 
moral  law. 

We  cannot  close  this  survey  of  the  conscience- 
element  in  the  literature  of  this  period,  without 
pausing  a  moment  before  the  humble  abode  of  an 
Italian  exile — Giuseppe  Mazzini — who  came  to 
London  in  1837,  and  remained  there  until  the  stir- 
ring upheavals  on  the  Continent  of  1848.  During 
the  period  of  his  sojourn  in  England  by  voice, 
by  pen,  and  by  personal  example  he  contributed  in 
no  small  degree  to  the  moral  and  reforming  forces 
at  work  on  every  side. 

Mazzini  was  a  young  man  when  he  arrived  in 
London ;    he    had    not    reached    his    thirty-second 

139 


How  England  Averted  a  Kevolution  of  Force 

birthday.*  Yet  he  had  long  been  known  as  one  of 
the  great  apostles  of  freedom  in  Europe.  Tens 
if  not  hundreds  of  thousands  of  Italian  patriots 
regarded  him  as  the  noblest  incarnation  of  the 
republican  spirit  that  had  appeared  since  the  Grac- 
chi were  overthrown  ;  and  if  he  was  loved  and  idol- 
ized in  every  camp  where  freedom  dwelt,  he  was 
also  feared  and  hated  as  were  but  few  men  of  the 
time  by  the  upholders  of  despotism  on  the  Italian 
peninsula. 

Mazzini  was  born  in  Genoa.  His  parents  were 
ardently  attached  to  republican  principles.  His 
father  was  a  physician  by  profession  and  a  man  of 
culture,  possessing  considerable  means.  The  son 
was  therefore  enabled  to  enjoy  the  best  educational 
advantages  that  his  native  city  offered  to  the  young. 
He  early  entered  the  university;  in  1826  he  gradu- 
ated in  law,  having  determined  to  adopt  law  and 
literature  as  his  life  work.  His  whole  nature 
revolted  against  all  forms  of  tyranny,  bigotry,  and 
oppression.  Though  he  was  one  of  the  most 
deeply  religious  men  of  his  age,  he  could  not  be 
held  in  thrall  by  the  arbitrary  dogmas  of  the  domi- 
nant church  of  his  land.     In  literature  as  well  as  in 

■^According  to  Mazzini  himself,  he  was  born  in  1809.  Dr. 
Thomas,  in  Lippincott's  *<  Biographical  Dictionary,"  gives  the  date  of 
his  birth  as  1808;  the  Rev.  J.  S.  Black,  in  the  <' Encyclopaedia 
Britannica,"  says  1805. 

140 


The  Literature  and  Thinkers  of  the  Period 

politics  he  was  in  open  revolt,  being  as  ardent  a 
champion  of  romanticism  in  Italy  as  was  Victor 
Hugo  in  France.  Romanticism  he  regarded  as  a 
vital  protest  against  literary  servitude  under  the 
name  of  classicism.  The  conflict  he  characterized 
as  "  a  war  between  the  supporters  of  a  literary  des- 
potism, dating  its  origin  and  authority  two  thou- 
sand years  back,  and  those  who  thought  to  emanci- 
pate themselves  from  its  tyranny  in  the  name  of 
their  own  individual  inspiration."  * 

Literature  exerted  a  deep  fascination  on  the  youth 
and  sought  to  lure  him  along  the  road  made  glorious 
by  so  many  noble  Romans  in  the  splendid  past. 
But  even  before  he  left  college  he  had  yielded  to  a 
mightier  spell  than  even  seductive  literature  can 
cast.  The  glamour  of  the  age  had  fallen  over  his 
soul.  The  seed-thoughts  of  liberty  and  free  gov- 
ernment scattered  by  Washington  and  our  fathers 
had  taken  root  all  over  civilization.  France  had 
shaken  the  thrones  of  western  Europe.  South 
America  had  broken  from  the  old  regime,  and  the 
names  of  Bolivar  and  of  San  Martin  rose  beside 
that  of  Washington,  and  gave  to  the  New  World 
a  glory  far  greater  than  a  triple  crown.  Into  the 
active  brain  of  Giuseppe  Mazzini  came  the  dream 

^  "Joseph  Mazzini:  His  Life,  Writings,  and  Political  Principles," 
p.  5. 

141 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

of  free  Italy  united  and  invincible  under  republican 
rule.  He  early  affiliated  himself  with  the  Carbonari, 
a  secret  society  then  working  somewhat  blindly, 
but  striving  earnestly  after  the  light  of  a  freer  day. 

It  is  not  infrequently  the  case,  when  a  great  truth 
takes  possession  of  the  imagination  of  a  sincere 
youth,  that  it  drives  out  all  other  thoughts  and 
rules  alone.  Thus  it  was  with  Mazzini.  Sadly  he 
bade  adieu  to  literature  and  engaged  actively  in  the 
work  of  the  order  to  which  he  had  attached  him- 
self. Before  long  he  was  betrayed,  denounced, 
arrested,  and  for  six  months  imprisoned  in  the 
Fortress  Savona,  on  the  western  Riviera.  While 
here  he  became  convinced  that  the  association  to 
which  he  belonged  could  never  succeed,  as  it  was 
based  on  negation.  It  aimed  to  destroy,  but  had 
no  clear  or  definite  constructive  policy.  He  there- 
fore formulated  the  plan  for  the  great  movement  he 
afterwards  organized,  known  as  "  Young  Italy," 
and  which  did  so  much  to  kindle  anew  the  republi- 
can spirit  throughout  the  peninsula. 

At    length    Mazzini    was    tried.      The    evidence 

against  him  was  insufficient  to  convict ;   but  he  was 

forbidden  to  reside  in  Genoa,  or  to  settle  in  any 

other   large   Italian   city.      Rather   than   brook    the 

government  surveillance  he  chose  exile  and  retired 

to  France,  where  he  matured  the  plans  formed  while 

142 


The  Literature  and  Thinkers  of  the  Period 

in  prison  for  the  establishment  of  the  new  order. 
Aided  by  a  few  devoted  friends,  he  pushed  the 
movement  so  vigorously  that,  in  spite  of  the  vigi- 
lance of  the  government,  Italy  was  soon  filled  with 
associations  working  for  the  one  great  end  blazoned 
in  the  words  borne  on  their  banner,  "  Liberty, 
Equality,  Humanity,  Independence,  and  Unity.'* 

The  method  pursued  in  Mazzini's  scheme  was 
educational  and  insurrectionary.  No  man  compre- 
hended more  clearly  than  did  he  the  fact  that  edu- 
cation, and  the  arousing  of  the  moral  sentiment  of 
a  people,  must  precede  any  successful  revolution  or 
reconstruction  of  an  old  order.  ''  Great  revolu- 
tions," he  wrote,  "  are  the  work  rather  of  principles 
than  of  bayonets,  and  are  achieved  first  in  the  moral, 
and  afterwards  in  the  material  sphere.  Bayonets 
are  truly  powerful  only  when  they  assert  or  main- 
tain a  right.  The  rights  and  duties  of  society 
spring  from  a  profound  moral  sense  which  has  taken 
root  in  the  majority."  * 

For  some  time  Marseilles  was  the  revolutionary 
headquarters  of  "  Young  Italy";  but  after  being 
importuned  by  the  Italian  government  France  ban- 
ished Mazzini,  who  then  retired  to  Switzerland. 
Here  also   he  was  so  effective  in   carrying  forward 

*  "Joseph  Mazzini :  His  Life,  Writings,  and  Political  Principles,'^' 
p.   78. 

143 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

the  great  movement  that  the  peninsular  govern- 
ment prevailed  upon  the  little  republic  to  drive  him 
forth.  Thus  it  was  that  in  1837  the  exile,  with 
means  exhausted  and  much  depressed  in  spirit, 
came  to  London. 

He  had  just  passed  through  one  of  those  great 
moral  crises  that  come  at  times  into  the  lives  of 
highly  sensitive  and  conscientious  natures,  after  high 
hopes  have  been  dashed  to  earth  and  all  seems  dark, 
— crises  in  which  doubt  fills  the  mind  and  despair 
peeps  in  at  the  windows  of  the  soul ;  and  this 
moral  crisis,  he  tells  us,  was  succeeded  by  a  crisis  of 
absolute  poverty  that  lasted  during  the  whole  of  ^37 
and  half  of  '38.  "I  struggled  on,"  he  says, 
^*in  silence.  I  pledged,  without  the  possibility  of 
redeeming  them,  the  few  dear  souvenirs,  either  of 
my  mother  or  others,  which  I  possessed ;  then 
things  of  less  value ;  until  one  Saturday  I  found 
myself  obliged  to  carry  an  old  coat  and  a  pair  of 
boots  to  one  of  the  pawn-broker  shops,  crowded  on 
Saturday  evenings  by  the  poor  and  fallen,  in  order 
to  obtain  food  for  the  Sunday.  ...  I  passed,  one 
by  one,  through  all  those  trials  and  experiences  ; 
bitter  enough  at  any  time,  but  doubly  so  when  they 
have  to  be  encountered  by  one  living  solitary, 
uncounselled,  and  lost  amid  the  immense  multitude 
of  men  unknown  to  him,  in  a  country  where  pov- 

144 


^he  Literature  and  Thinkers  of  the  Period 

erty — especially  in  a  foreigner — is  an  argument  for 
a  distrust  often  unjust,  sometimes  cruel."  * 

At  length  it  became  noised  about  in  London  that 
the  great  Italian  patriot  was  in  the  city,  and  in  sore 
need.  England  has  never  been  wanting  in  loyal 
and  devoted  friends  of  freedom,  and  some  of  these 
sought  out  Mazzini  and  interested  themselves  in 
him  in  a  substantial  way.  Through  them  he  was 
introduced  in  literary  circles,  and  leading  reviews 
commissioned  him  to  prepare  papers  for  them. 
Here,  too,  he  came  into  friendly  relationship  with 
many  of  those  who  represented  conscience  in  the 
literature  of  the  age.  How  highly  the  author  of 
''The  French  Revolution"  esteemed  him  may  be 
judged  from  the  following  extract  from  a  letter 
addressed  by  Carlyle,  under  date  June  15,  1844,  to 
the  London  T'imes : 

"  I  have  had  the  honour  to  know  Mr.  Mazzini  for  a  series  of  years, 
and,  whatever  I  may  think  of  his  practical  insight  and  skill  in  worldly 
affairs,  I  can  with  great  freedom  testify  to  all  men  that  he,  if  ever  I 
have  seen  one  such,  is  a  man  of  genius  and  virtue,  a  man  of  sterling 
veracity,  humanity,  and  nobleness  of  mind,  one  of  those  rare  men, 
numerable,  unfortunately,  but  as  units  in  this  world,  who  are  worthy 
to  be  called  martyr  souls  \  who,  in  silence,  piously  in  their  daily  life, 
understand  and  practise  what  is  meant  by  that."  -j- 

^" Joseph  Mazzini:  His  Life,  Writings  and  Political  Principles," 
pp.  204—205. 

■\  See  William  Clarke's  sketch   of  Mazzini,  in  the   Introduction  to 
*<  Essays  by  Mazzini,"  published  by  Walter  Scott,  London. 
ID  145 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Fofxe 

With  Mazzini  life  was  a  mission,  and  duty  divine. 
His  whole  conscientious  existence  served  to  illus- 
trate the  living  faith  that  burned  on  the  altar  of  his 
soul.  It  was  the  profound  conviction  of  his  heart 
that  he  expressed  in  the  following  words  : 

"  Life  is  a  mission.  Every  other  definition  of  life  is  false,  and 
leads  all  who  accept  it  astray.  Religion,  science,  philosophy,  though 
still  at  variance  upon  many  points,  all  agree  in  this,  that  every  exii.tence 
is  an  aim.  Were  it  not  so,  of  what  avail  were  the  movement,  the 
progress,  which  all  are  beginning  to  recognize  as  the  Law  of  life  ?  And 
that  aim  is  one :  to  develop  and  bring  into  action  all  the  faculties  which 
constitute  and  lie  dormant  in  human  nature — Humanity — and  cause 
them  harmoniously  to  combine  toward  the  discovery  and  application 
of  that  law.  .  .  ..  Life  is  a  mission  j  duty,  therefore,  its  highest  law. 
In  the  comprehension  of  that  mission,  and  fulfilment  of  that  duty,  lies 
our  means  of  future  progress,  the  secret  of  the  stage  of  existence  into 
which  we  shall  be  initiated  at  the  conclusion  of  this  earthly  stage. 
Life  is  immortal  }  but  the  method  and  time  of  evolution  through 
which  it  progresses  is  not  in  our  own  hands.  Each  of  us  is  bound  to 
purify  his  own  soul  as  a  temple  ;  to  free  it  from  egotism  j  to  set  before 
himself,  with  a  religious  sense  of  the  importance  of  the  study,  the  prob- 
lem of  his  own  life  j  to  search  out  what  is  the  most  striking,  the  most 
urgent  need  of  the  men  by  whom  he  is  surrounded  ;  then  interrogate 
his  own  faculties  and  capacity,  and  resolutely  and  unceasingly  apply 
them  to  the  satisfaction  of  that  need."  *    .     .    . 

**  From  the  idea  of  God  I  descended  to  the  conception  of  progress  j 
from  the  conception  of  progress  to  a  true  conception  of  life  j  to  faith 
in  a  mission  and  its  logical  consequence — duty  the  supreme  rule  of 
life  5    and  having  reached  that  faith,   I  swore  to  myself  that  nothing 

*  ''Joseph  Mazzini  :  His  Life,  Writings,  and  Pohtical  Principles," 
pp.   198-200. 

146 


The  Literature  and  Thinkers  of  the  Period 

in  this  world  should  again  make  me  doubt  or  forsake  it."  *  .  ,  . 
"  The  faith  which  should  guide  us  shines  forth,  I  think,  ...  in 
these  few  words  of  another  Polish  poet  .  .  .  , — Skarga, — which  I 
have  often  repeated  to  myself:  *  The  threatening  steel  flashes  before  our 
eyes,  and  wretchedness  awaits  us  on  the  path  }  yet  the  Lord  hath  said  : 
**  Onwards,  onwards  without  rest."  But  whither  go  we,  O  Lord? 
**  Go  on  and  die,  ye  who  are  bound  to  die  j  go  on  and  suffer,  ye  who 
are  boimd  to  suffer."  '  ''  f 

A  man  who  laid  life's  richest  gifts  upon  the  altar 
of  duty,  who  sacrificed  home,  friends,  native  land, 
fame,  glory  and  ease,  and  elected  to  become  a  wan- 
derer and  an  exile,  to  live  upon  the  crust  of  poverty, 
so  long  as  he  was  at  all  times  true  to  such  exalted 
convictions  as  those  expressed  above,  could  not  fail 
to  be  a  power  in  London  at  a  time  when  the  moral 
energies  of  the  people  were  everywhere  aroused, 
especially  as  he  moved  among  men  of  conviction. 
Nor  was  this  all.  An  incident  occurred  in  1844 
that  served  to  call  the  attention  of  the  whole  nation 
to  Mazzini,  and  awakened  a  deep  interest  in  him, 
while  it  aroused  further  the  popular  sentiment 
against  the  government  and  thus  augmented  the 
general  discontent. 

At  the  instigation  of  the  government  of  Naples, 
the  postal  authorities  of  England  began  tampering 
with  Mazzini's  mail.  At  length  his  suspicions  were 
aroused.     He    became    convinced   that    his    letters 

*  Ibid.y  pp.   202—203.  -^  Ibid.y  p.   202. 

147 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

were  being  opened  by  the  authorities  ;  but  so  clev- 
erly was  the  duplication  of  seals  and  the  stamping 
done,  that  it  was  hard  to  get  the  evidence  necessary 
to  sustain  so  grave  a  charge.  The  friends  to  whom 
he  stated  his  convictions  were  incredulous.  They 
did  not  believe  that  the  government  would  dare  vio- 
late the  sanctity  of  the  mails.  At  length  however 
Mazzini,  after  setting  several  traps,  secured  evidence 
of  an  indisputable  character.  Then  one  of  his 
friends  in  Parliament  volunteered  to  question  the 
government,  and  to  petition  for  an  investigation. 
The  charge  created  a  great  sensation,  and  the  minis- 
ters were  assailed  by  questions  from  all  sides  of  the 
most  embarrassing  character.  At  first  they  sought 
refuge  in  evasions  ;  but  finding  this  useless  they 
confessed,  justifying  themselves  however  by  claim- 
ing that  they  had  acted  under  permission  granted 
by  an  act  passed  in  the  reign  of  Queen  Anne.  A 
tempest  of  popular  indignation  ensued,  and  Sir 
James  Graham  the  chief  offender  sought  to  justify 
himself  by  maligning  Mazzini.  But  the  Italian  was 
not  a  man  to  be  browbeaten,  even  though  poor  and 
in  exile.  He  confuted  the  calumnies  so  effectively 
that  the  offending  minister  was  compelled  to  apolo- 
gize publicly  to  the  House  of  Commons  for  circu- 
lating the  libelous  statements. 

This  controversy  created  a  national    interest    in 
148 


The  Literature  ajid  Thi?tkers  of  the  Period 

Mazzini ;  a  knowledge  of  his  high  aims,  of  his 
noble  purposes  and  of  his  exalted  teachings  spread 
through  the  realm.  Thousands  who  had  before 
known  nothing  of  his  life  now  became  eager  to 
learn  more  of  this  wonderful  young  man  who  loved 
freedom  and  the  people  more  than  all  those  things 
usually  esteemed  most,  while  a  general  sympathy 
was  felt  for  him  by  the  nation  that  felt  humiliated  at 
the  ignoble  part  played  by  its  government.  And 
thus  it  chanced  that  even  an  exile  aided  by  his 
presence  and  by  his  message  in  the  great  educational 
movement. 

But  Mazzini  was  never  content  with  being  merely 
a  teacher.  He  was  an  apostle  of  service.  He 
found  in  London  hundreds  of  little  ignorant  Italian 
boys.  He  soon  interested  friends  in  their  behalf, 
and  was  the  means  of  establishing  a  school  where 
every  night  and  on  Sunday  the  children  were  gratu- 
itously taught.  He  was  a  tireless  worker.  He  wrote 
much  ;  he  discussed  the  great  questions  uppermost 
in  his  mind ;  he  sought  out  the  poor  and  ignorant ; 
and  thus,  from  early  to  late,  he  labored  for  others, 
his  very  life  being  an  inspiration  to  all  who  knew  him. 

These  were  some  of  those  who  sowed  the  seeds 
of  justice,  and  held  up  the  larger  and  nobler  ideal 
of  freedom  before  the  conscience  of  England,  in  the 
forties  of  the  last  century.     Of  this  number  Richard 

149 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

Cobden,  John  Bright,  Elizabeth  Barrett,  Charles 
Mackay,  Gerald  Massey,  Charles  Kingsley,  Charles 
Dickens,  and  Giuseppe  Mazzini  were  all  young. 
At  the  time  of  the  accession  of  Queen  Victoria  in 
1837  the  oldest  of  the  group,  Mr.  Cobden,  was  but 
thirty-three  years  of  age.  They  brought  into  the 
battle  for  the  larger  life  the  splendid  courage  and 
enthusiasm  of  youth,  and  exemplified  again  the  fact, 
of  which  history  affords  many  illustrations,  that 
progress  waits  upon  the  young  men  and  young 
women  of  an  age,  to  whom  Civilization  turns  in  the 
hour  of  supreme  need.  If  the  youth  of  a  nation  be 
clean-souled,  strong  in  faith  and  hope,  while  cher- 
ishing high  ideals,  the  nation  has  little  to  fear. 
Who  shall  say  how  much  civilization  owes  to  the 
young  men  of  England,  in  the  'thirties  and  'forties 
of  that  century,  who  stood  up  in  the  face  of  appar- 
ently overwhelming  opposition  and  fought  for  pro- 
gress and  for  justice,  in  so  doing  educating  the 
conscience  of  the  nation  to  such  a  degree  that  prac- 
tical advance  became  comparatively  easy  ? 


150 


CHAPTER   VI. 

CARRTING    THE   WAR    INTO  AFRICA 


Disappointment  in  Melbourne  Ministry — Mr.  Wood  of  Man- 
chester—  Parliamentary  Tactics  —  Agitators'  Troubles  —  Pos- 
tal Reform  —  A  Tory  Ministry  —  Cobden  in  Parliament  — 
Compact  between  Cobden  and  John  Bright  —  The  Press  opens 
its  Columns  —  Thomas  Moore  —  Thomas  Campbell  —  The  Year 
1844  —  Absurd  Remedies  Proposed. 


I 


"^HE  VIGOROUS  and  aggressive  campaign 
opened  by  the  Anti-Corn-Law  League, 
the  rising  tide  of  discontent  everywhere 
perceptible,  the  desperate  condition  of  the  poor  as 
revealed  by  Parliamentary  investigations,  and  the 
blossoming  of  the  humanitarian  spirit  apparent  in 
the  literature  of  the  day  led  the  more  sanguine  of 
the  reformers  to  look  for  prompt  and  radical  action 
on  the  part  of  the  Melbourne  ministry.  They 
believed  that  a  bold,  strong  and  defiant  stand  In 
favor  of  free  trade  in  grain  taken  by  the  government, 
would  electrify  the  nation  to  such  an  extent  as  to 
lift  the  Liberal  ministry  again  into  the  popular 
favor  that  had  been  lost  by  its   timid,  halting  and 

151 


How  England  Averted  a  devolution  of  Force 

uncertain  policy.  Lord  Melbourne,  however,  was 
in  no  sense  a  Moses.  He  was  the  last  man  to 
reinstate  his  party  in  public  affection  by  taking  a 
radical  position  on  the  great  social,  political  and 
economic  questions  that  were  at  that  time  threaten- 
ing to  convulse  the  kingdom  ;  and  thus  the  hopes 
of  those  reformers  who  had  anticipated  early 
action  on  the  Corn  Laws  were  doomed  to  disap- 
pointment. 

At  the  opening  of  Parliament,  in  1839,  Lord 
Melbourne  stated  that  he  was  not  prepared  to 
pledge  himself  to  any  alteration  in  the  Corn  Laws. 
This  discouraging  announcement  was  quickly  fol- 
lowed by  an  incident  that  greatly  exasperated  the 
reformers.  The  Melbourne  ministry,  wishing  to  con- 
ciliate the  discontented  manufacturers,  had  selected 
Mr.  Wood,  chairman  of  the  chamber  of  commerce 
of  Manchester,  to  second  the  Qiieen's  address.  In 
his  speech  this  gentleman  expressed  the  conviction 
that  the  Corn  Laws  should  be  repealed,  as  a  matter 
of  good  policy  no  less  than  of  justice.  But,  passing 
from  this,  he  deliberately  proceeded  to  state  that  the 
manufacturing  interests  were  by  no  means  suffering ; 
they  were,  he  contended,  in  a  state  of  progressive 
prosperity.  Here  at  one  blow  he  had  given  a 
sweeping  denial  to  one  of  the  strongest  and  most 

effective    arguments   of  the    League.      Sir    Robert 

152 


"  Carrying  the  War  into  Africa  " 

Peel,  the  leader  of  the  Opposition,  was  at  that  time 
regarded  as  the  special  champion  of  the  Corn  Laws. 
He  quickly  appreciated  the  fatal  blunder  of  the 
gentleman  from  Manchester,  and  promptly  con- 
gratulated him  on  his  clear  and  convincing  presen- 
tation of  the  facts  concerning  the  manufacturing 
interests,  proceeding  to  observe  that  "  it  was  one  of 
the  ablest  and  most  conclusive  speeches  in  favor  of 
the  existing  system  which  it  had  been  his  good  for- 
tune to  hear." 

We  can  readily  Imagine  the  indignation  and  dis- 
may with  which  Mr.  Wood's  speech  was  received, 
by  Manchester  as  well  as  by  the  League.  He  was 
promptly  removed  from  the  chairmanship  of  the 
chamber  of  commerce,  and  the  reformers  at  once  set 
at  work  to  push  forward  with  redoubled  vigor  the 
campaign. 

On  the  nineteenth  of  February,  Mr.  Vllllers 
moved  that  evidence  be  received  by  the  House  In 
regard  to  the  baleful  effects  of  the  Corn  Laws  on 
agriculture,  as  well  as  on  trade  and  manufactures. 
But  facts  were  precisely  what  the  Tories  and  the 
unconverted  Whigs  did  not  wish  to  hear.  The 
motion  was  lost  by  an  overwhelming  majority.  Mr. 
Vllllers,  however,  was  not  a  man  of  dough ;  he 
knew  that  every  time  the  measure  was  debated  or 
presented   the   Corn    Laws  were  weakened,  because 

153 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

they  were  bad  measures  and  opposed  to  justice,  and 
to  the  prosperity  and  happiness  of  the  people. 
Hence  he  moved  that  the  House  resolve  itself  into 
a  committee  of  the  whole  to  consider  the  laws  that 
regulated  the  importation  of  corn.  The  question 
was  debated  early  in  March.  Five  days  were  given 
to  its  consideration.  When  the  vote  was  taken  the 
motion  was  rejected  by  three  hundred  and  forty-two 
to  one  hundred  and  ninety-five.  A  majority  of  one 
hundred  and  forty-seven  votes  was  well  calculated 
to  dampen  the  ardor  of  the  reformers  ! 

But  the  League,  appreciating  the  importance  of 
aggressive  work,  immediately  renewed  its  campaign 
with  increased  energy.  Speakers  were  sent  forth 
to  all  sections  of  the  country  to  proclaim  the  new 
economic  gospel,  and  the  nation  was  literally  sown 
in  leaflets,  catechisms,  tracts,  and  pamphlets.  The 
reformers  had  early  determined  to  avoid  such  ex- 
treme utterances  and  appeals  to  passion  as  had 
previously  resulted  in  disturbance  and  bloodshed, 
and  had  given  the  government  a  pretext  for  inter- 
fering with  the  Chartist  agitation  ;  but  they  soon 
found  that  even  the  most  fair,  reasonable  and 
modest  presentation  of  their  cause  so  aroused  those 
interested  in  upholding  the  Corn  Laws  that  the 
lives  of  the  agitators  were  by  no  means  safe,  while 
the  authorities,  not  content  with  seeking  to  obstruct 

■  154- 


"  Carrying  the  War  i?ito  Africa  " 

their  work,  actually  resorted  in  certain  cases  to 
an  abuse  of  power  in  order  to  break  the  influ- 
ence of  the  League.  The  press  of  the  country, 
through  constant  misrepresentation,  abuse  and 
puerile  sophistries,  sought  to  delude  when  it  was 
not  engaged  in  exciting  the  passions  and  the  preju- 
dices of  its  readers. 

The  economic  missionaries,  though  they  were 
well  received  and  gained  ground  in  Scotland,  met  in 
England  with  strong  opposition  ;  they  soon  learned 
how  stubbornly  and  desperately  the  beneficiaries  of 
special  privilege  will  fight  for  the  interests  that  bring 
in  a  golden  return.  They  were  threatened  and  some- 
times mobbed ;  halls  were  denied  them  to  speak  in, 
and  they  were  arrested  and  fined  for  speaking  in  the 
market-places.  Meetings  were  sometimes  broken 
up,  and  often  interfered  with,  by  persons  bent  on 
creating  disturbance.  Innkeepers  were  afraid  to 
house  the  speakers,  lest  they  lose  their  customers  or 
forfeit  their  lease  ;  printers  were  afraid  to  set  up 
poster  announcements  of  League  meetings.  The 
following  are  some  typical  examples  of  the  opposi- 
tion encountered  : 

At  Arundel  the  mayor  would  not  permit  the  use 
of  the  town-hall,  on  the  ground  that  the  addresses 
would  make  the  laborers  discontented  ;  and  a  reward 
was  offered  by  a  land-owning  farmer  to  anyone  who 

155 


How  England  Avej'ted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

would  throw  the  speaker  into  the  river.  At  Louth, 
after  permission  to  use  the  town-hall  had  been 
given  and  then  withdrawn,  the  speakers  secured  a 
gig  and  delivered  their  lecture  from  it  in  the  market- 
place ;  but  before  leaving  the  town  they  were 
arrested  and  fined  for  obstructing  the  highway.  At 
Huntingdon  the  meeting  v/as  riotously  broken  up 
by  a  number  of  people  under  the  leadership  of  the 
town  clerk.  At  Worksop  the  lecturer  was  brutally 
assaulted  by  hired  bullies  in  the  street.  But  per- 
haps nowhere  was  a  more  lawless  spirit  manifested 
than  in  the  great  university  town  of  Cambridge. 
Mr.  Morley,  in  referring  to  this  outrage,  observes  : 

"  It  was  reserved  for  a  seat  of  learning  to  show  that  no  brutality 
can  equal  that  which  is  engendered  of  the  union  of  the  violent  inher- 
ited prejudice  of  the  educated  classes  with  the  high  spirits  of  youth. 
No  creature  is  a  more  unbridled  ruffian  than  the  ruffian  undergraduate 
can  be,  and  at  Cambridge  the  peaceful  arguments  of  the  lecturer  were 
interrupted  by  a  destructive  and  sanguinary  riot.  The  local  news- 
paper afterwards  piously  congratulated  the  furious  gownsmen  on  hav- 
ing done  their  duty  as  *  the  friends  of  good  government  and  the 
upholders  of  the  religious  institutions  of  the  country.'  "  * 

The  exhibitions  of  the  spirit  of  lawlessness  and 
intolerance  were  not  surprising  in  view  of  the  atti- 
tude of  the  conventional  press.  Mr.  Morley,  in 
speaking  of  this  phase  of  the  struggle,  says  : 

*John  Morley,  <*  Life  of  Richard  Cobden,""  p.  19. 
,56 


«  Carrying  the  War  into  Africa  *' 

"A  long  campaign  of  reckless  and  virulent  calumny  was  at  once 
opened  in  the  party  organs.  One  London  newspaper  described  the 
worst  members  of  the  Association  as  unprincipled  schemers,  and  the 
best  as  self-conceited  socialists.  Another  declared  with  authority  that 
it  was  composed  in  equal  parts  of  commercial  swindlers  and  political 
swindlers.  A  third  with  edifying  unction  denounced  their  sentiments 
as  subversive  of  all  moral  right  and  order,  their  organization  as  a  dis- 
loyal faction,  and  their  speakers  as  revolutionary  emissaries,  whom  all 
peaceable  and  well-disposed  persons  ought  to  assist  the  authorities  in 
peremptorily  putting  down.  The  Morning  Post,  the  journal  of  Lon- 
don idleness,  hailed  the  Manchester  workers  in  a  style  that  would 
have  been  grotesque  enough,  if  only  it  had  not  represented  the  serious 
thought  of  many  of  the  most  important  people  in  the  dominant  class. 
'  The  manufacturing  people  exclaim,  "  Why  should  we  not  be  permitted 
to  exchange  the  produce  of  our  industry  for  the  greatest  quantity  of 
food  which  that  industry  will  anywhere  command?"  To  which  we 
answer,  Why  not,  indeed  ?  Who  hinders  you  ?  Take  your  manu- 
factures away  with  you,  by  all  means,  and  exchange  them  anywhere 
you  will  from  Tobolsk  to  Timbuctoo.  If  nothing  will  serve  you  but 
to  eat  foreign  corn,  away  with  you,  you  and  your  goods,  and  let 
us  never  see  you  more  !  '  This  was  a  quarter  from  which  the  language 
of  simpletons  was  to  be  expected,  but  as  the  repealers  had  a  thousand 
opportunities  of  discovering  within  the  next  seven  years,  the  language 
of  simpletons  has  many  dialects."  * 

In  Parliament  the  Melbourne  ministry,  which 
had  become  somewhat  unpopular  even  before  the 
death  of  William  IV.,  steadily  lost  the  confidence 
of  the  electors.  Many  excellent  reform  measures 
had  been  passed  by  this  ministry,  but  in  no  instance 
after  the  reign  of  Victoria  began  did  they  offer  an 

^Morley's  "  Life  of  Cobden,"  pp.   19-20. 
157 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

economic  reform  bill  of  any  importance.  Indeed, 
it  had  never  been  till  the  demands  for  an  advance 
step  had  become  so  loud  and  unmistakable  that  the 
government  could  no  longer  ignore  them,  that  any 
such  step  had  been  taken.  Hence  the  ministry 
had  received  but  little  credit  for  laws  that  the  people 
felt  had  been  wrung  from  them. 

The  reform  in  the  postal  service,  introduced  dur- 
ing the  Melbourne  ministry,  calls  however  for  notice, 
because  of  its  far-reaching  and  beneficent  influ- 
ence upon  society  throughout  the  civilized  world. 
**  Perhaps,"  observes  one  writer,  "  it  represents  the 
greatest  social  improvement  brought  about  in  mod- 
ern times.'*  Unfortunately  for  the  fame  of  the  Lib- 
eral ministry  this  reform,  like  others,  came  only  after 
outside  pressure  had  compelled  the  government  to 
act.  Indeed  the  proposed  reform,  when  clearly  and 
ably  outlined  by  Rowland  Hill,  called  forth  the  bit- 
terest opposition  from  the  postal  department ;  the 
innovations  were  adopted  by  the  government  only- 
after  over  two  thousand  petitions  had  been  sent  in 
to  the  House  of  Commons,  and  public  pressure 
from  every  part  of  the  realm  had  been  brought  to 
bear  upon  the  ministry.  The  bill  that  served  to 
bring  order  out  of  chaos,  establishing  a  rational  and 
scientific  system  in  place  of  a  crude,  burdensome  and 

unscientific  one,  became  a  law  in   1839  ;  ^^^^  ^Y  ^^^ 

158 


"  Carrying  the  War  into  Africa  " 

practical  working  England  soon  assumed  the  posi- 
tion of  the  world's  leader  in  the  vitally  important 
postal  service. 

This  great  reform  measure  was  revolutionary  in 
character.  It  followed  closely  the  clear  recommen- 
dations that  had  been  set  forth  by  Rowland  Hill  in 
1837.  The  principal  features  of  the  measure  were 
uniform  postal  tariff-rates  ;  reductions  in  postage  to 
a  penny  on  each  half-ounce  ;  greater  speed  in  the 
conveyance  of  letters  ;  greater  frequency  in  the  des- 
patch ;  the  abolition  of  parliamentary  franking  priv- 
ileges ;  and  the  prepayment  of  postage  on  letters. 
The  postage-stamp  was  introduced  some  months 
after  the  reforms  just  named.  Before  the  revolu- 
tion of  the  system  different  prices  had  been  charged 
between  different  localities,  the  postage  varying  from 
four  pence  to  one  shilling  eight  pence  on  a  single 
letter ;  if  more  than  one  sheet  was  sent,  no  matter 
how  thin  the  paper,  the  letter  required  double  post- 
age. The  average  postage  on  inland  letters  was 
about  nine  pence.  The  receiver  was  compelled  to 
pay  the  postage,  a  provision  that  worked  great  injus- 
tice and  hardship  in  many  cases.  Members  of  Par- 
liament were  permitted  to  frank  letters,  and  this  led 
in  many  instances  to  great  abuses,  as  many  mem- 
bers were  not  above  selling  their  franks  and  thus 
defrauding  the  government. 

159 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

The  reform  was  bitterly  opposed  by  the  postal 
officials  ;  they  declared  that  it  would  work  the  ruin 
of  the  service,  that  it  was  impracticable,  visionary 
and  ridiculous.  Yet,  in  spite  of  all  opposition,  the 
great  progressive  step  proposed  by  Hill  was  taken  ; 
and  from  that  day  to  this  the  postal  service  of  Great 
Britain  has  moved  steadily  forward,  making  greater 
and  more  beneficent  advances  than  has  any  other 
department  of  the  English  government. 

Important  as  was  this  forward  step,  it  exerted  no 
immediate  or  special  influence  upon  the  discon- 
tented masses.  The  unrest  of  the  time  sprang 
from  the  misery  and  wretchedness  of  the  poor,  from 
stagnation  in  business,  from  monopoly  in  food,  from 
the  denial  to  the  workers  of  all  voice  in  the  govern- 
ment, and  from  other  causes  that  appealed  immedi- 
ately to  the  popular  imagination.  Few  reformers 
gave  the  postal  service  any  serious  consideration ; 
and  thus,  even  had  the  Liberal  ministry  introduced 
the  reform  before  public  opinion  compelled  the  step, 
it  would  have  exerted  but  little  influence  in  check- 
ing the  increasing  disfavor  in  which  the  government 
stood  with  the  public.  One  section  of  the  com- 
munity demanded  the  immediate  abolition  of  the 
Corn  Laws  ;  another  very  considerable  body  in- 
sisted upon  electoral  concessions.  These  were  the 
vital  issues   in    the    opinion    of  the    manufacturing 

i6o 


"  Carrying  the  War  into  Africa  " 

classes  and  the  artisans,  as  well  as  of  the  poor  of 
England.  And,  unfortunately  for  the  Liberal  min- 
istry, there  was  a  growing  conviction  among  the 
poor  that  the  Whigs  were  as  indifferent  to  their 
welfare  as  the  Tories  were.  Discontent,  as  we  have 
already  observed,  was  rife,  and  the  party  in  power 
at  times  of  general  unrest  always  receives  the  blame 
for  whatever  goes  wrong  or  is  unpopular.  The 
mishaps  and  the  blunders  of  the  ministry  also  con- 
tributed largely  to  its  growing  unpopularity.  Its 
strength  diminished  till,  on  the  fourth  of  June,  1841, 
Sir  Robert  Peel  forced  a  vote  on  a  want-of-confi- 
dence  motion  that  he  had  introduced.  The  min- 
istry was  discredited  and  an  appeal  made  to  the 
electors,  v/ith  the  result  that  the  Tories  carried  the 
country  by  a  substantial  majority.  At  this  time, 
however,  Richard  Cobden  was  elected  to  the  House 
of  Commons,  and  thus  the  little  radical  band  in 
Parliament  was  reinforced  by  the  accession  of  the 
most  persuasive  reformer  of  the  time. 

It  was  in  1841  also  that  the  work  of  the  League 
received  a  powerful  impetus  in  one  of  those  strange 
and  unforeseen  occurrences  that  not  infrequently 
come  to  the  aid  of  great  movements  at  critical  times, 
and  which  may  be  compared  to  mighty  tributaries 
suddenly  pouring  swiftly  flowing  and  compulsive 
waters  into  broad  but  sluggish  streams  ;  incidents 
II  161 


How  England  Averted  a  devolution  of  Force 

that  thoughtless  men  call  chance  happenings,  but 
which  appear  to  be  part  of  a  Divine  plan  to  those 
who  believe  there  is  no  such  thing  as  the  caprice  of 
chance,  and  who  hold  with  Lowell  that,  so  long  as 
the  children  of  Progress  are  at  all  points  faithful  to 
their  charge — 

'* behind  the  dim  unknown, 

Standeth  God  within  the    shadow,  keeping  watch  above  his  own." 

This  fortunate  occurrence  was  the  solemn  compact, 
to  which  I  have  already  alluded,  made  between 
Richard  Cobden  and  John  Bright,  to  consecrate 
their  lives  to  the  cause  until  it  became  victorious.* 

*^  Although  the  incident  that  caused  Mr.  Bright's  entrance  into  the 
Anti-Corn-Law  conflict  has  already  been  briefly  told,  it  will  perhaps 
be  not  amiss  to  quote  here  the  ampler  and  touching  description  of  the 
event  given  by  the  great  orator  himself.  The  decision  he  then  made 
marked  not  only  the  supreme  moment  in  the  life  of  this  illustrious 
man,  but  also  the  entrance  upon  a  public  career  of  one  of  the  greatest 
moral  influences  that  has  been  felt  in  the  English  Parliament  for  gener- 
ations. "It  was,"  said  Mr.  Bright,  <<in  September,  in  the  year  1841. 
The  sufferings  throughout  the  country  were  fearful  j  and  you  who  live 
now,  but  were  not  of  age  to  observe  what  was  passing  in  the  country 
then,  can  have  no  idea  of  the  state  of  your  country  in  that  year.  .  .  . 
At  that  time  I  was  at  Leamington,  and  1  was,  on  the  day  when  Mr, 
Cobden  called  upon  me — for  he  happened  to  be  there  at  the  time  on  a 
visit  to  some  relatives — I  was  in  the  depths  of  grief,  I  might  almost 
say  of  despair  ;  for  the  light  and  sunshine  of  my  house  had  been 
extinguished.  All  that  was  left  on  earth  of  my  young  wife,  except 
the  memory  of  a  sainted  life  and  of  a  too  brief  happiness,  was  lying 
still  and  cold  in  the  chamber  above  us.  Mr.  Cobden  called  upon  me 
as  his  friend,  and  addressed  me,  as  you  might  suppose,  with  words  of 
condolence.  After  a  time  he  looked  up  and  said,  *  There  are  thou- 
sands of  houses  in  England  at  this  moment  where  wives,  mothers  and 
children  are  dying  of  hunger.      Now,'  he  said,  'when  the  first  par- 

i6i 


"  Carrying  the  War  into  Africa  " 

Seldom  in  the  history  of  our  prosaic  modern  time 
has  there  been  seen  a  more  inspiring  picture  than 
that  presented  by  these  two  apostles  of  progress 
and  civilization,  one  with  eye  lighted  by  that  enthu- 
siasm which  is  kindled  only  when  a  lofty  soul  has 
been  overmastered  by  the  might  of  a  great  moral 
truth,  and  the  other  smitten  by  a  grievous  sorrow 
that  had  touched  the  deeper  wellsprings  of  his  being, 
and  made  it  possible  for  him  to  feel  for  every  starv- 
ing man,  woman  and  child  in  England  as  if  the 
dying  one  were  in  his  own  desolate  home.  In  speak- 
ing of  this  strange  spectacle  Mr.  Morley  observes  : 

«*The  picture  of  two  plain  men  leaving  their  homes  and  their  busi- 
ness, and  going  over  the  length  and  the  breadth  of  the  land  to  convert 
the  nation,  had  about  it  something  apostolic  :  it  presented  something 
so  far  removed  from  the  stereotyped  ways  of  political  activity,  that  this 
circumstance  alone,  apart  from  the  object  for  which  they  were  plead- 
ing, touched  and  affected  people,  and  gave  a  certain  dramatic  interest 
to  the  long  pilgrimages  of  the  two  men  who  had  only  become  orators 
because  they  had  something  to  say,  which  they  were  intent  on  bringing 
their  hearers  to  believe,  and  which  happened  to  be  true,  wise,  and 
just/'*  ^ 

oxysm  of  your  grief  is  past,  I  would  advise  you  to  come  with  me,  and 
we  will  never  rest  till  the  Corn  Law  is  repealed.'  I  accepted  his  invi- 
tation. I  knew  that  the  description  he  had  given  of  the  homes  of 
thousands  was  not  an  exaggerated  description,  I  felt  in  my  conscience 
that  there  was  a  work  that  somebody  must  do,  and  therefore  I  accepted 
his  invitation,  and  from  that  time  we  never  ceased  to  labour  hard  on 
behalf  of  the  resolution  which  we  had  made."  (Morley's  "Life  of 
Cobden,"  p.  24.) 

■**■  Morley's  <'Life  of  Cobden,"  p.  24. 
163 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

"  For  seven  years,"  says  Mr.  Bright,  "  the  discus- 
sion on  that  one  question — whether  it  was  good  for  a 
man  to  have  half  a  loaf  or  a  whole  loaf — for  seven 
years  the  discussion  was  maintained,!  will  not  say  with 
doubtful  result,  for  the  result  was  never  doubtful,  and 
never  could  be  in  such  a  cause  ;  but  for  five  years  or 
more  we  devoted  ourselves  without  stint;  every  work- 
ing hour  almost  was  given  up  to  the  discussion  and  to 
the  movement  in  connection  with  this  question."  * 

The  agitation  of  the  League  had  been  so  vigor- 
ous, that  some  time  before  the  election  of  Mr. 
Cobden  several  of  the  great  dailies  opened  their 
columns  to  the  new  movement.  In  London  the 
most  influential  of  these  journals  was  the  Daily 
Chronicle,  On  its  staff  were  many  of  the  brightest 
young  men  in  Great  Britain — among  them  Charles 
Mackay,  the  poet  and  journalist ;  Charles  Dickens, 
a  Parliamentary  reporter,  even  then  beginning  to 
attract  the  attention  of  editors  by  his  inimitable 
sketches  ;  also  Thomas  Moore  and  Thomas  Camp- 
bell, the  poets.  To  Charles  Mackay  was  assigned 
the  work  of  editing  the  Corn- Law  column,  and  also 
of  preparing  many  of  the  Chronicle's  leaders  on 
free  trade  and  kindred  subjects. 

Thomas  Moore's  connection  with  the  Chronicle 
began  in  1841.      He  was  to  contribute  a  poem  a 

*  Ibid.,  p.  24. 

164 


«  Carrying  the  War  into  Africa  *' 

week  on  topics  of  the  hour.  The  author  of  ^*  Lalla 
Rookh "  was  an  ardent  free  trader ;  after  the 
Chronicle  grew  kind,  he  wrote  verses  on  the  Corn 
Laws  that  were  widely  copied.  Like  many  others 
of  the  reformers,  Moore  in  1842  was  led  to  think 
that  Sir  Robert  Peel  was  veering  rapidly  from  the 
position  of  leader  of  the  protectionist  party  to  that 
of  an  advocate  of  free  trade  ;  and,  like  many  other 
students  of  public  problems  at  that  time,  he  believed 
that  the  fast  rising  tide  in  favor  of  repeal  through- 
out England  would  force  the  government  to  accede 
at  an  early  day  to  the  popular  demand  for  cheap 
bread  and  repeal  the  odious  class-laws.  The  poet 
made  the  common  mistake  of  reformers  in  suppos- 
ing that  long-entrenched  money  interests  could  be 
overthrown  before  the  conscience  and  the  reason  of 
the  nation  had  been  so  aroused  as  to  make  power- 
less the  innumerable  devices  of  the  Opposition. 
On  the  twenty-third  of  February,  1842,  he  pub- 
lished some  verses  entitled  "  Threnody  on  the 
Approaching  Death  of  Old  Mother  Corn  Law," 
the  opening  lines  of  which  are  as  follows : 

*'I  see,  I  see,  it  is  coming  fast, 
Our  dear  old  Corn  Law's  doom  is  cast! 
That  ancient  Lady,  of  high  degree. 
Is  as  near  her  end  as  she  well  can  bc} 
And  much  will  all  vulgar  eaters  of  bread 
Rejoice,  when  they  see  her  fairly  dead. 
165 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

For  never,  from  ancient  Medea  down 
To  the  late  Mrs.  Brownrigg,  of  bad  renown, 
Has  any  old  dame  been  known,  they  aver. 
Who  could  starve  and  carve  poor  folks  like  her. 
But,  dear  old  damsel,  they  wrong  her  sadly, 
'T  was  all  by  the  law  she  behaved  so  badly  ; 
And  God  forbid,  whate'er  the  event. 
That  free-born  Britons  should  e'er  repent 
Wrongs  done  by  Act  of  Parliament. 

*<  But  is  it,  indeed,  then  come  to  this, 
After  all  our  course  of  high-bred  bliss  ? 
Poor,  dear  old  Corn  Law ! — prop  of  the  Peers, 
And  glory  of  Squires,  through  countless  years. 
Must  all  thy  structure  of  Pounds  and  Pence, 
Like  another  Babylon,  vanish  hence  ? 
Must  towering  Prices  and  Rents  sublime, 
Thus  topple,  like  turrets  touch'd  by  time, — 
And  all,  for  what  ?  that  each  shirtless  oaf, 
May  bolt,  for  breakfast,  a  larger  loaf ! 
For  this  one  vulgar  purpose  alone 
Is  all  this  inelegant  mischief  done." 

Thomas  CampbeH's  duties  were  very  similar  to 
Moore's.  He  was  expected  to  produce  a  metrical 
contribution  at  least  once  a  week.  Among  some 
stanzas  entitled  ''  Tory  Logic,"  by  this  popular  poet, 
we  find  the  following : 

"Our  Corn  Laws  that  make  us  so  wealthy. 
Against  them  how  dare  you  complain? 
Your  landlords,  to  make  the  poor  healthy, 
Are  temperance  teachers  in  grain."" 
i66 


"  Carrying  the  War  into  Africa  *' 

Nothing  in  literature  is  more  disappointing  than 
the  work  of  a  poet  whose  rhymes  are  made  to  order. 
In  all  literary  production,  it  is  perhaps  true  that  the 
highest  degree  of  excellence  is  reached  only  when 
the  heart  informs  the  art ;  and  in  poetry,  as  nowhere 
else,  it  is  not  till  the  emotional  depths  are  stirred 
that  the  imagination  quickens  into  beauty.  A  poet 
whose  creations  have  justly  entitled  him  to  a  high 
place  among  the  writers  of  his  time,  makes  fre- 
quently a  sorry  showing  when  he  attempts  to  com- 
pose verses  on  some  subject  that  has  not  deeply 
appealed  to  his  emotional  nature.  The  above  exam- 
ples from  the  authors  of  "Lalla  Rookh"  and  of  "The 
Pleasures  of  Hope  "  give  impressive  illustration  of 
this  fact.  It  is  indeed  only  on  rare  occasions,  when 
a  true  prophet-poet — that  is,  a  poet  whose  imagina- 
tion is  peculiarly  sensitive  to  the  moral  verities — is 
deeply  stirred  by  some  moral  wrong,  that  it  seems 
possible  to  infuse  the  true  poetic  spirit  into 
this  kind  of  didactic  verse.  It  may  indeed  be  con- 
ceded that  poetry  on  economic  problems  is  pretty 
hard  to  write.  Yet  poor  as  were  the  so-called 
poems  from  the  literary  standpoint,  they  proved 
immensely  effective  in  their  influence  upon  the 
people ;  for,  in  spite  of  the  lame  meter  and 
the  deplorable  rhymes,  the  verses  seemed  to  find 
their  way  into    the    hearts    of  the    populace,  who 

167 


How  Kngland  Averted  a  devolution  of  Force 

apparently  were  incapable  of  grasping  and  under- 
standing cold  logic. 

Sir  Robert  Peel,  though  destined  to  immortalize 
himself  as  that  English  statesman  of  the  'forties  of 
the  nineteenth  century  who  dared  to  "desert  his 
party  to  save  his  nation,"  was  by  no  means  ready  to 
make  this  move,  which  might  mean  political  suicide, 
so  early  as  1842.  Still  his  reform  of  the  tariff 
served  to  encourage  the  drooping  spirits  of  the 
League,  though  Mr.  Cobden  and  other  leading 
members  seemed  at  that  time  to  fail  to  appreciate 
the  value  to  the  masses  of  such  important  meas- 
ures as  the  Income  Tax,  which  signalized  Sir 
Robert  Peel's  aggressive  policy — a  policy  that  from 
first  to  last  was  full  of  surprises,  when  we  remem- 
ber that  the  prime  minister  was  the  leader  of  the 
Tories. 

In  1844  considerable  uneasiness  was  felt  by  some 

of  the    leading    members    of   the    nobihty,    whose 

princely  incomes  were  due  largely  to  the  protection 

afforded  by  the  Corn  Laws.     It  was  true  that  the 

good    crops    and    other    influences    had    served    to 

strengthen  the   Tories,  and,  though  many  leading 

Whig  statesmen  had  come  out  in  favor  of  repeal, 

the  party  did  not  show  any  disposition  to  take  so 

radical  a  step.      But  these  men  with  large  interests 

at  stake   and   possessing,  as   many   of  them  did,  a 

16S 


"  Carrying  the  War  into  Africa  *' 

wide  knowledge  of  history  as  well  as  a  clear  under- 
standing of  the  profound  discontent  smouldering 
under  the  smooth  surface  of  society,  beheved  that, 
unless  the  public  mind  could  be  diverted  from  the 
Corn  Laws  before  a  period  of  depression  arrived,  the 
immensely  valuable  monopoly  would  be  swept  away 
in  spite  of  all  opposition,  even  as  the  Reform  Bill 
had  been  enacted  in  spite  of  an  overwhelming 
majority  against  its  passage  in  the  House  of  Lords. 
"  It  was  amusing,'*  says  Mr.  Mackay,  "  to  note  how 
the  chiefs  of  the  protectionist  party  attempted  to 
draw  the  masses  of  the  people  to  their  side,  on 
a  false  scent ;  how,  as  was  said  at  the  time,  they 
drew  red  herrings  across  the  path,  to  bewilder  the 
dogs  of  public  opinion,  and  let  the  fox  of  Food 
Monopoly  escape."  * 

The  Opposition  began  by  resolutely  denying  the 
existence  of  the  deplorable  condition  of  the  poor, 
of  the  widespread  discontent;  and  finally  in  1845 
the  existence  of  the  potato-rot,  which  was  then 
destroying  the  staple  crop  of  Ireland,  was  denied 
even  after  almost  every  intelligent  person  knew  the 
potato  famine  to  be  a  terrible  fact.  Thus  we  find 
the  Duke  of  Cambridge,  one  of  the  most  solicitous 
of  the  nobility  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Corn 
Tax,    declaring    positively    that    "  the    report  of  a 

*  Mackay 's  "Forty  Years'  Recollections,"  vol,  I.,  p.  262. 
169 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

potato  famine  was  false  "  ;  while  the  Duke  of  Rut- 
land "  deplored  the  skyey  influences  at  work  in 
England,  which  made  one  person  out  of  every  three 
a  croaker." 

The  time  came  at  length,  however,  when  the 
popular  pastime  of  denouncing  as  dangerous  and 
unscrupulous  demagogues  and  revolutionists  all 
who  insisted  that  the  people  were  starving  could  no 
longer  be  indulged  in;  for  the  nation  not  only 
knew  the  facts,  but  had  begun  to  feel  them.  The 
long  agitation,  in  which  truths  had  been  piled  upon 
truths  and  appeal  had  been  added  to  appeal,  at  last 
had  had  its  effect  upon  a  people  in  whom  the  con- 
science had  long  been  to  a  certain  extent  anaesthet- 
ized by  the  power  of  wealth,  of  caste,  of  custom, 
of  laws,  and  of  ancient  privileges. 

When,  therefore,  the  facts  of  the  contention 
could  no  longer  be  ignored,  the  upholders  of  special 
privileges  came  forward  with  explanations  and 
with  remedies,  all  of  which  were  pitifully  inade- 
quate, while  some  were  so  palpably  silly  as  to 
render  it  difficult  to  believe  that  they  were  seriously 
advanced  by  noblemen  claiming  the  possession  of 
ordinary  wit. 

Thus,  for  example.  Lord  John  Manners  became 
suddenly  impressed  with  the  idea  that  the  wide- 
spread discontent  of  the  workmen  in  the  cities  was 

170 


"  Carrying  the  War  into  Africa  " 

due  chiefly  to  the  change  from  rural  to  urban  life 
that  had  long  been  going  on.  In  the  old  England 
he  imagined  there  was  never  such  unrest  and  dis- 
content, for  then  the  people  lived  in  the  country 
and  enjoyed  Arcadian  life,  with  an  abundance  of 
simple  pastimes  such  as  'Meap-frog  and  cricket/' 
So  possessed  was  this  nobleman  with  the  idea  that 
he  had  found  a  panacea,  that  he  inflicted  a  long 
poem  on  the  subject  upon  an  unappreciative 
public ;  and,  as  if  this  were  not  enough,  he  pre- 
pared a  lengthy  pamphlet  in  which  he  urged  the 
government  to  "  look  to  the  sports  of  the  peo- 
ple, and  lay  out  grounds  for  cricket  and  leap-- 
frog." 

Another  beneficiary  of  the  Corn  Laws  made  what 
seemed  to  him  to  be  a  discovery.  The  poor,  he 
found,  were  not  as  welcome  in  the  house  of  God  as 
were  the  rich,  and  here  he  believed  lay  the  cause  of 
the  discontent.  The  rich,  he  observed,  enjoyed  soft 
pews  in  the  house  of  prayer  by  paying  for  them, 
while  the  poor  "  had  too  often  to  stand  during  the 
whole  religious  service."  Hence  he  raised  the  cry, 
"Away  with  the  pews  !  *' — as  though  their  abolition 
would  fill  the  stomachs  of  the  half-starved  workers 
who  were  unable  to  buy  the  whole  loaf  because  of 
the  iniquitous  Corn  Laws. 

The  Duke  of  Richmond,  though  he  would  not 
171 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

entertain  the  idea  of  repealing  the  Corn  Laws, 
recognized  the  fact  that  the  occasion  was  critical. 
He  therefore  proposed  that  the  rich  landlords 
purchase  potatoes  in  Portugal  and  dole  them 
out  as  charity  to  the  starving  population.  At 
a  county  meeting  held  in  Sussex  the  duke  ob- 
served that,  though  throughout  different  parts  of 
Europe  the  potato  crop  had  proved  a  failure, 
he  was  informed  that  in  Portugal  there  had  never 
been  a  better  crop.  Hence  he  urged  that,  "  if 
there  should  be  a  failure  in  this  country,  there 
would  be  no  difficulty  in  bringing  potatoes  from 
that  country  to  this  at  a  price  which,  though 
the  labourer  cannot  pay,  we  (the  land-owners)  ought 
and  will."  * 

The  leaders  of  the  League  met  this  seemingly 
generous  proposition  by  a  series  of  questions  that 
showed  the  true  intent  of  the  nobleman's  palliative 
remedy.  Why,  they  asked,  should  it  be  right  and 
proper  to  buy  foreign  potatoes,  yet  wrong  to  per- 
mit the  poor  to  purchase  foreign  corn  ?  Why  did 
the  duke  insist  on  preventing  the  people  from 
buying  Russian  wheat,  and  yet  propose  to  give 
them  Portuguese  potatoes  as  an  act  of  charity  ? 
The  answer  was  obvious  :  The  amount  that  the 
nobleman  would  pay  for  the  potato  charity  would 

*  Mackay's  <*  Forty  Years'  Recollections,""  vol.  I.,  p.  267. 
172 


"  Carrying  the  War  into  Africa  ** 

be   but   a   fraction   of   the   profits   that   he   realized 
from  his  grain  monopoly. 

It  remained  for  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  however, 
to  outdo  all  those  v/ho  were  so  actively  striving  to 
save  the  Corn  Laws  with  a  proposition  so  absurd 
that  it  caused  even  the  reluctant  Tories  to  join  in 
the  laughter  of  the  nation.  Like  the  Duke  of 
Richmond,  he  would  not  for  a  moment  harbor  the 
thought  of  meeting  the  emergency  presented  in 
the  potato  famine  by  favoring  the  opening  of  the 
ports  to  free  grain  for  the  people.  At  the  same 
time,  he  had  a  remedy  that  he  presented  at  the  very 
meeting  in  Sussex  at  which  the  Duke  of  Richmond's 
potato  charity  had  been  exploited.  In  his  address 
the  Duke  of  Norfolk  said : 

<<In  consequence  of  the  badness  of  the  potatoes,  they  should  pay- 
more  attention  to  the  labourer  this  year  than  ordinarily.  There  was 
one  thing, — it  was  suggested  in  a  letter  by  a  lady  the  other  day, — a 
thing  which  certainly  was  very  warm  and  comfortable  to  the  stomachs 
of  the  people  if  it  could  be  got  cheap.  He  endeavoured  the  other  day 
when  he  was  in  London  to  buy  it.  He  went  to  several  places  to 
enquire,  and  he  bought  a  pound  or  two  of  it.  But  there  was  some 
difficulty  attached  to  it  rather  than  otherwise.  They  had  not  been 
accustomed  to  it,  and  might  not  like  it.  He  liked  it  however  himself. 
In  India  it  was  to  the  people  what  potatoes  were  in  Ireland.  He 
meant  Curry  Powder.  It  might  be  smiled  at  at  first,  but  it  was  a 
very  warming  thing  for  potatoes  and  things  of  that  description. 
Now,  if  the  gentlemen  would  try  it  as  he  had  done,  merely  taking 
a  pinch  and  putting  it  into  hot  njuater — he  did  not  mean  to  say 
that  would  make  a  soup — a  very  good  one  j  but  'when  a  man  came 

173 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

home  and  took  this  and  had  nothing  better,  it  nxiould  make  him  'vcarm 
at  his  stomachy  and  he  could  go  to  bed  better  and  more  comfortable. 
He  might  be  ridiculed  hereafter  for  what  he  was  saying,  but  he  did  not 
care  one  rapy* 

Such  were  a  few  of  the  selfish  or  purblind  propo- 
sitions with  which  the  advocates  of  the  Corn 
Monopoly  sought  to  hush  the  demand  for  simple 
justice  and  to  stay  the  rising  tide  of  human  interest 
evoked  by  the  Chartists  and  the  Anti-Corn-Law 
League,  and  which  were  at  this  time  beating  against 
the  intelligence  and  the  conscience  of  England  so 
powerfully  that  even  the  dullest  and  the  most 
indifferent  saw  that  something  must  be  done. 

*  Mackay's  **  Forty  Years'  Recollections,''  vol.  I.,  p.  266. 


174 


CHAPTER  VII. 
THE  DARK  HOUR  BEFORE  THE  DAWN 


Beginning  of  1845 — The  Income  Tax  —  Bread  Plentiful  —  Interest 
Waning  —  Cobden's  great  Speech  —  Foretells  Success. 


THE  year  1845  opened  gloomily  for  the 
League.  There  seemed  to  be  a  combina- 
tion of  circumstances  against  the  cause  that 
it  had  battled  for  so  valiantly,  chief  among  which 
was  the  growing  popularity  of  the  Tories,  the 
stalwart  upholders  of  the  Corn  Laws.  The  enact- 
ment of  the  Income  Tax  and  of  some  reform  tariff 
measures  by  Sir  Robert  Peel  had  produced  a  strong 
sentiment  in  his  favor  among  the  masses.  They 
compared  these  really  reformative  measures  of 
the  Tories,  which  were  so  well  calculated  to  lessen 
the  burdens  of  taxation  long  borne  by  the  poor, 
with  the  timidity  and  the  indifference  that  had  char- 
acterized the  Melbourne  ministry  during  the  last 
years  of  its  administration.  It  was  claimed  that 
the  Tories,  who  represented  the  landed  and  aristo- 
cratic influences,  had  shown  far    more    interest    in 

175 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

the  condition  of  the  poor  than  the  Liberals  had 
done,  though  the  latter  claimed  to  be  their  special 
friends. 

The  real  relief  felt  from  Sir  Robert  Peel's  excel- 
lent reform  measures,  however,  was  insignificant  in 
comparison  with  the  influence  exerted  on  the  con- 
dition of  the  people  by  nature.  For  many  years 
Mr.  Cobden  and  other  leading  reformers  had 
declared  that,  with  an  abundance  of  grain  at  a  low 
price,  the  discontent  and  unrest  of  the  people  would 
abate,  that  work  would  increase,  and  prosperity 
return ;  and  during  the  last  two  years  England 
had  enjoyed  enormous  harvests.  The  price  of 
bread  had  fallen.  Men  with  full  stomachs  found 
work  and  began  to  hope  again.  The  prediction  of 
Cobden  and  his  associates  was  verified ;  but  this 
very  fact  operated  against  the  Anti-Corn-Law 
League. 

The  people  then  as  now  looked  only  at  the  sur- 
face. They  had  been  hungry  under  the  Liberal 
ministry  ;  the  Tories  had  given  them  some  salu- 
tary reform  legislation,  they  were  now  able  to  get 
cheap  bread,  and  their  condition  had  improved : 
therefore  the  Tories,  they  reasoned,  were  the 
true  statesmen.  And  with  this  conclusion — falla- 
cious because  it  ignored  the  chief  cause  of  the 
better  times — the  masses  turned  from  the  League, 

176 


The  Dark  Hour  Before  the  Dawn 

and  were  clearly  disposed  to  let  well  enough 
alone.  They  would  support  the  Tories  because 
better  times  had  been  coincident  with  their  admin- 
istration. 

With  this  outlook  and  the  result,  an  overwhelm- 
ing Tory  majority  in  both  houses  of  Parliament, 
the  zeal  of  many  Leaguers  grew  cold.  True,  the 
contributions  came  in  liberally ;  but  otherwise  a 
general  lethargy  was  everywhere  apparent.  The 
literature  of  the  League,  which  a  few  years  before 
had  been  eagerly  sought  for  and  read  with  avidity, 
was  no  longer  in  demand.  Their  great  meetings 
lacked  the  old-time  enthusiasm  and  numbers. 
Even  Cobden  was  beginning  to  bore  the  house  with 
his  constant  assaults  on  the  Corn  Laws,  while  John 
Bright  was  regarded  by  the  Opposition  as  a  dan- 
gerous incendiary. 

Though  amid  all  these  discouragements  Cobden's 
faith  did  not  falter,  his  health  was  rapidly  giving 
way,  while  his  private  fortune  had  become  seriously 
embarrassed.  For  years  he  had  neglected  his  own 
personal  business  that  the  larger  blessing  of  national 
prosperity  might  be  enjoyed  by  the  people  ;  and  he 
now  stood  on  the  brink  of  what  seemed  to  be  irre- 
trievable   ruin. 

There  were  rifts  however  in  the  cloud.  All  who 
listened    to    Cobden    were    not   tired  of  his   clear, 

12  177 


How  Kngland  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

earnest,  logical  and  masterly  addresses.  Among  his 
auditors  was  a  great  statesman  who  had  for  years 
been  compelled  to  dissect  carefully  his  arguments 
that  he  might  meet  them  ;  and  this  statesman,  being 
a  far  more  honest  man  than  are  most  politicians, 
soon  found  himself  questioning  the  correctness  of 
his  own  position. 

For  some  time  many  Tories  had  expressed 
grave  uneasiness  about  the  attitude  of  Sir  Robert 
Peel  on  the  Corn  Laws.  A  horrible  suspicion 
was  growing  that  the  prime  minister  had  become 
infected  with  the  heresy  of  the  League.  In  Feb- 
ruary and  early  March  of  1845  ^^^  Corn  Lavy^s 
came  up,  as  come  up  they  were  sure  to  do  at  every 
session ;  and  during  this  discussion  Mr.  Cobden 
made  one  of  the  greatest  speeches,  if  not  the  most 
masterly  effort,  of  his  life  in  Parliament.  Sir  Rob- 
ert, who  was  seated  by  the  brilliant  young  statesman 
Sidney  Herbert,  began  taking  notes.  Soon  how- 
ever he  crumpled  up  the  paper,  threw  it  on  the 
floor,  and  turning  to  Mr.  Herbert  said  :  "You  will 
have  to  answer  him  ;  I  cannot."  That  night,  it  is 
said,  on  crossing  the  lobby  some  one  remarked  : 
"Sir  Robert,  that  speech  of  Cobden's  will  be  hard 
to  answer."  Whereupon  the  prime  minister,  turn- 
ing, replied  in  a  low  voice  but  with  great  earnest- 
ness :  "//  is  unanswerable^ 

178 


The  Dark  Hour  Before  the  Dawn 

Still  the  motion  to  repeal  the  Corn  Laws  was 
overwhelmingly  defeated,  and  it  appeared  to  most 
that  long  years  of  weary  waiting  and  toil  would  be 
required  to  break  down  the  well-nigh  insurmount- 
able opposition. 

Cobden  however,  with  his  clear  vision,  saw  fur- 
ther and  better  than  most  of  his  confreres.  He 
knew  that  England  had  been  educated  on  this 
question.  He  knew  that  the  failure  of  a  crop 
would  compel  the  nominally  temporary  opening 
of  the  ports  for  grain  ;  but  that,  if  once  opened, 
they  would  never  be  closed  again.  In  the  summer 
of  1845,  ^^  ^  public  address,  he  declared  that 
the  ministers  were  even  then  contemplating  the 
repeal  of  the  Corn  Laws  ;  and  with  great  earnest- 
ness he  continued :  '^  I  know  what  they  are 
thinking  as  well  as  if  I  were  in  their  hearts.  It 
is  this  :  they  are  all  afraid  that  this  Corn  Law 
cannot  be  maintained — no,  not  a  rag  of  it,  during  a 
period  of  scarcity  prices,  of  a  famine  season, 
such  as  we  had  in  '39,  '40,  and  '41.  They 
know  it.  They  are  prepared  when  such  a  time 
comes  to  abolish  the  Corn  Laws.  They  have 
made  up  their  minds  to  it.  They  are  going  to 
repeal  them,  as  I  told  you — mark  my  words — 
at  a  season  of  distress.  That  distress  may  come ; 
aye,  three    weeks    of    showery  weather,  when    the 

179 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

wheat  is  in  bloom  or  ripening,  would  repeal  those 
Corn  Laws."  * 

Even  as  he  was  speaking  nature  was  at  work,  and 
events  were  hurrying  on  that  should  prove  in  a 
startling  manner  the  truth  of  his  prophecy. 

*Morley's  "Life  of  Cobden,"  p.  46. 


180 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

FAMINE   J  IDS   THE   LEAGUE 

Only  Want  arouses  a  People  —  The  Irish  Potato-rot  of  1845  — 
Sir  Robert  Peel  in  1845 — Lord  John  Russell  —  The  Times  — 
Vain  Attempt  to  change  Ministry. 

AS  HAS  been  observed,  the  masses  of  a 
nation  are  extremely  conservative.  They 
suffer  long  before  they  complain ;  they 
complain  for  years,  perhaps  for  decades,  before 
they  rebel.  It  is  not  enough  to  convince  them  of 
the  injustice  that  works  oppression.  They  must 
feel  the  pangs  of  hunger,  and  suffer  in  other  ways, 
before  they  seriously  entertain  ideas  of  resistance. 
And  it  is  a  noteworthy  fact  that  not  infrequently — 
after  generations  of  oppression,  after  the  suffering 
and  poverty  of  milUons  have  risen  to  such  a  point 
as  to  seem  intolerable,  and  after  they  have  been 
plainly,  repeatedly,  and  even  continuously  shown 
the  cause  of  their  wretchedness — they  still  shrink 
fr^m  demanding,  as  with  one  voice,  their  just  rights, 
till  Nature  with  stern  mien  lays  a  heavy  hand  upon 

181 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

them.  It  was  only  after  years  of  want,  famine  and 
distress  in  the  land  that  the  French  Revolution 
became  inevitable;  and  so  in  England,  after  the 
people  had  been  thoroughly  informed  by  an  educa- 
tional campaign  carried  on  without  intermission  for 
eight  years,  they  continued  to  bear  their  burdens, 
and,  so  long  as  the  crops  remained  good,  flocked  to 
the  standard  of  their  oppressors  in  such  numbers 
as  entrenched  them  strongly  in  power.  Though  by 
a  wise  and  far-seeing  statesman  a  revolutionary  sen- 
timent might  have  been  discerned  smouldering  deep 
down  in  the  hearts  of  millions,  there  was  apparent 
no  organized  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  breadwin- 
ners to  insist  upon  those  radical  measures  that  their 
condition  imperatively  demanded. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs  when  in  the 
early  autumn  of  1845  ^^  ^^1  rumor  gained  cur- 
rency— a  rumor  that  filled  the  landed  class  with 
grave  forebodings,  and  which  roused  the  Anti-Corn- 
Law  League  from  its  lethargy.  According  to  this 
report,  the  rainy  season  had  produced  rot  in  the 
potato  that  was  the  staple  food  of  Ireland.  With- 
out the  potato,  and  with  ports  closed  to  corn,  tens 
of  thousands  of  English  subjects  would  starve  to 
death.  The  Tory  press  was  prompt  to  deny  the 
absurd  report,  which  the  editors  were  sure  was  an 
alarmist  cry  manufactured  by  the  League ;   but  as 


Famine  Aids  the  League 

the  days  passed  the  indisputable  confirmation  of  the 
terrible  news  made  doubt  impossible  to  all  who  were 
willing  to  admit  the  truth.  Instantly  the  League 
was  alive.  Cobden,  Bright,  and  other  clear-sighted 
leaders  saw  full  well  that  agitation  now  meant  every- 
thing ;  and,  as  though  by  magic,  the  press  began  to 
pour  forth  its  pamphlets  and  leaflets,  while  the 
Liberal  journals  opened  fire  all  along  the  line. 
Great  meetings  were  held  throughout  England. 

Sir  Robert  Peel  appreciated  the  fact  that  a  crisis 
w^as  at  hand.  He  was  in  many  respects  far  in 
advance  of  the  great  statesmen  of  his  day,  and  he  was 
— what  many  of  them  were  not — honest,  sincere,  and 
brave.  He  did  not  wish  to  be  a  Free  Trader ;  he 
desired  to  uphold  the  Corn  Laws  :  but  he  loved  the 
truth  and  the  welfare  of  his  nation  more  than  he 
loved  his  party — far  more  than  he  loved  himself. 
Mr.  Cobden  and  the  League  had  by  slow  degrees 
forced  the  honest  but  slow-thinking  statesman  to 
believe  in  the  wisdom  and  justice  of  their  posi- 
tion, and  this  was  his  mental  attitude  when  the 
grave  news  of  the  famine  fell  upon  Tory  ears  as  falls 
the  roar  of  the  breakers  on  the  hearing  of  the  crew 
of  a  storm-beaten  bark. 

Peel  now  saw  clearly  that,  in  order  to  avert  or  at 
least  to  minimize  the  danger  of  a  forcible  revolu- 
tion, it  was  necessary  to  take  prompt  measures  for 

183 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

the  relief  of  the  people.  In  the  autumn  of  1845 
he  summoned  the  ministry  to  discuss  the  feasi- 
bility of  temporarily  opening  the  ports.  Someone 
objected,  stating  that  if  they  were  opened  it  might 
be  difficult  to  effect  a  closure  again  ;  and  the  prime 
minister  replied  that  he  had  grave  doubts  as  to 
whether  they  ever  could  be  closed  again,  when  once 
they  had  been  opened.  At  this  the  majority  of  the 
ministry  refused  to  accede  to  his  proposal. 

At  about  this  time  Lord  John  Russell,  then  the 
leader  of  the  Liberals,  came  out  squarely  for  the 
immediate  and  unconditional  repeal  of  the  Corn 
Laws.  On  the  twenty-second  of  November  he 
sent  out  from  Edinburgh  his  famous  letter  to  his 
constituents  in  London,  in  which  he  insisted  that 
the  present  condition  of  the  country  could  not  be 
viewed  without  apprehension  :  "  delay  would  pro- 
duce a  degree  of  suffering  frightful  to  contemplate"; 
bold  action  might  avert  serious  evils,  and  he  urged 
the  importance  of  union,  in  order  to  put  an  end  to 
the  system  "  which  had  been  proved  to  be  the 
blight  of  commerce,  the  bane  of  agriculture,  the 
source  of  bitter  division  among  classes,  the 
cause  of  penury,  fever,  and  crime  among  the 
people."  This  was  the  first  time  that  Lord  John 
Russell  had  committed  himself  to  free  trade  and 
the   repeal   of  the   Corn    Laws,   and   it    necessarily 

134 


Famine  Aids  tJic  Learrue 


(b' 


produced  a  tremendous  impression  throughout 
Great  Britain. 

Scarcely  had  the  excitement  caused  by  this  letter 
begun  to  wane,  when  another  sensation  arose : 
"On  the  fourth  of  December,  1845,"  ^'^  ^^^  ^^e 
language  of  Dr.  Mackay,  "  great  political  excite- 
ment was  created  in  London  and  all  the  great  cities 
by  an  apparently  authoritative  announcement  in  the 
'Times,  that  Sir  Robert  Peel  had  not  only  become  a 
convert  to  the  principles  of  free  trade  generally,  but 
had  resolved  to  propose,  at  the  opening  of  Parlia- 
ment in  January,  the  total,  immediate,  and  uncon- 
ditional abolition  of  the  Corn  Laws  ;  and  that  Sir 
Robert  in  the  Commons,  and  the  Duke  of  Welling- 
ton in  the  Lords,  would  publicly  state  the  fact,  and 
stake  the  existence  of  their  administration  on  the 
passing  of  the  measure. 

"  Opinion  was  staggered  by  the  announcement. 
Some  people  thought  they  were  imposed  upon  by  an 
elaborate  hoax,  and  the  Glasgow  Tories  denounced 
it  in  plain,  uncourteous  speech  as  a  lie.  Even  the 
Liberals,  willing  to  believe,  were  yet  afraid  to  give 
it  credence.  On  the  following  day  the  Times 
repeated  its  assertion  in  two  separate  articles,  so 
emphatically  and  seriously  that  even  the  dismayed 
protectionists  could  doubt  no  longer."  * 

*Mackay's  "Forty  Years'  Recollections,"  vol.  I.,  p.  269. 
185 


How  Rngland  Averted  a  devolution  of  Force 

The  Tories  however  were  not  disposed  to  yield. 
So  strong  was  the  pressure  brought  to  bear  upon 
the  ministry  that  Peel,  not  being  wiUing  to  abandon 
his  position,  resigned.  Lord  John  Russell  was 
summoned  by  the  Queen  to  form  a  ministry — a 
very  difficult  feat,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Tories 
were  in  the  majority.  The  attempt  resulted  in 
failure,  and  Sir  Robert  was  again  called  to  the  helm. 
He  formed  a  ministry  in  harmony  with  his  views, 
and  the  opening  of  1846  found  the  people  of 
England  stirred  by  political  excitement  as  they  had 
not  been  moved  since  the  passage  of  the  Reform 
Bill  in  1832. 


186 


CHAPTER   IX. 

THE    REPEAL 

Sir  Robert  Peel  announces  his  Conversion,  1846  —  Benjamin  Dis- 
raeli—  Peel  declares  his  Programme  —  Acrimonious  Debates  — 
Peel's  Courageous  Stand  —  Bill  passes  Commons  and  Lords  — 
Estimate  of  Victory, 

ON  THE  twenty-second  of  January,  1846, 
Parliament  assembled.  The  Queen  in 
person  opened  the  session.  The  address 
from  the  throne  foreshadowed  the  course  about  to 
be  outlined  by  the  ministry.  But  before  presenting 
his  programme  Peel  made  a  notable  speech,  in 
which  he  explained  that  he  had  been  compelled, 
against  his  prejudices  and  his  will,  to  change  his 
views  on  the  subject  of  Free  Trade.  He  was 
so  explicit  as  to  leave  no  possible  doubt  that  he 
had  become  a  thorough  convert  to  the  views 
of  the  League.  He  insisted  that,  in  his  opinion, 
the  time  had  come  when  "  that  protection  which  he 
had  taken  office  to  maintain,  must  be  abandoned 
forever." 

This    bold  announcement   created   consternation 
187 


Hgw  England  Averted  a  devolution  of  Force 

among  the  Tories,  and  especially  among  the  bene- 
ficiaries of  the  Corn  Laws  ;  for,  though  the  public 
had  been  prepared  for  a  somewhat  radical  stand,  few 
had  imagined  that  at  the  very  opening  of  the  ses- 
sion the  leader  of  the  Conservatives,  who  for  so 
many  years  had  in  a  masterly  manner  fought  every 
attempt  to  repeal  the  Corn  Laws,  would  come  for- 
ward and  announce  his  unqualified  acceptance  of  the 
principles  of  the  Manchester  school. 

It  is  not  strange,  therefore,  that  the  prime  minis- 
ter instantly  became  the  target  of  a  general  and 
furious  attack.  He  was  assailed  with  that  intense 
bitterness  which  is  ever  manifested  when  a  leader 
renounces  a  cause  that  he  has  hitherto  trium- 
phantly upheld.  No  personalities  or  abusive  epi- 
thets were  too  bitter  for  his  late  friends  to  indulge 
in.  The  Conservative  press  vied  with  the  Tory 
leaders  in  terms  of  reproach.  He  was  char- 
acterized as  "  Judas  Iscariot,"  "  Jerry  Sneak,"  and 
"  Jim  Crow." 

It  was  at  this  time  that  Benjamin  Disraeli — who 
had  entered  the  House  as  an  extreme  Radical  among 
the  Liberals,  and  for  nine  sessions  had  done  noth- 
ing noteworthy,  though  he  had  made  many  failures 
when  attempting  to  speak  and  had  at  times  rendered 
himself  ridiculous — rose  at  a  single  bound  to  a 
commanding    position    by    an    amazingly    brilliant 


The  Repeal 

arraignment  of  Peel.  In  this  address  that  so  aston- 
ished the  house,  Disraeli  was  frequently  extravagant 
in  his  language,  but  that  at  such  a  time  was  held  to 
be  a  virtue  by  the  incensed  Tories.  He  was  bitter 
in  his  scornful  sarcasm,  and  the  telling  phrases  that 
leaped  in  quick  succession  from  his  lips  were 
received  with  rounds  of  applause.  From  the  hour 
of  that  memorable  philippic  Benjamin  Disraeli 
entered  upon  a  career  which  in  success  and  bril- 
liancy has  been  equaled  only  by  that  of  his  great 
and  life-long  political  antagonist  William  Ewart 
Gladstone,  who  was  at  that  very  moment  a  member 
of  Peel's  ministry. 

On  the  twenty-seventh  of  January  the  prime 
minister  announced  his  programme,  accompanying 
the  announcement  with  an  address  of  great  power 
and  well  calculated  to  convince  any  thoughtful 
person  who  was  not  blinded  by  prejudice  or  by 
interest.  The  measures  proposed  provided  for  the 
complete  abolition  of  the  Corn-Law  Tax  after  three 
years,  while  in  the  interim  a  fixed  duty,  not  nearly 
so  vexatious  nor  so  injurious  as  the  sliding  scale 
then  in  operation,  was  to  prevail.  In  the  course  of 
his  argument  Sir  Robert  took  occasion  to  point 
out  again  the  benefits  and  the  importance  to 
England  of  the  acceptance  of  the  principles  of 
Free  Trade. 

189 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

The  division  of  the  House  on  the  first  reading  of 
the  bill  showed  that  the  prime  minister  had  a 
majority  of  ninety-seven ;  but,  as  Mr.  Morley 
observes:  "It  was  a  hollow  and  not  an  honest 
majority.  The  remarkable  peculiarity  of  the  Par- 
liamentary contest  was  that  not  a  hundred  members 
of  the  House  of  Commons  were  in  favour  of  total 
repeal,  and  fewer  still  were  in  favour  of  immediate 
repeal.  ...  In  the  Upper  House  it  was  notorious 
that  not  one  peer  in  ten  was  in  his  heart  inclined  to 
pass  the  Corn  Bill."  * 

The  stubbornly  fought  battle  was  marked  by 
long  and  heated  debates,  in  which  on  the  side  of 
the  Tories  passion  and  prejudice  were  more  in  evi- 
dence than  was  either  sober  reason  or  sound  argu- 
ment. The  beneficiaries  of  special  privileges  are 
always  ready  to  fight  to  the  death,  even  when  by  so 
doing  they  endanger  the  nation's  welfare,  rather 
than  yield  that  for  which  they  make  no  adequate 
return,  and  which  is  frequently  in  its  very  nature 
oppressive  and  unjust.  This  fact  was  never  more 
clearly  illustrated  than  during  the  titanic  battle  that 
marked  the  Parliamentary  struggle  of  the  session  of 
1846. 

Seldom  has  a  great  statesman  been  placed  in  a 
more  trying  position  than  was  Peel  during  the  long 

*  Morley "s  **Life  of  Cobden,"  pp.  51-52. 
190 


The  Repeal 

and  acrimonious  debates  in  which  with  tireless  reit- 
eration speakers  of  his  own  party  hurled  at  him  the 
unjust  and  odious  charge  of  having  sold  out  his 
party.  None  knew  better  than  he  how  much  it 
had  cost  him  to  sacrifice  his  future,  and  to  desert  a 
party  that  was  dear  to  him  by  a  thousand  ties,  that 
he  might  save  his  nation.  Yet,  on  the  other  hand, 
none  knew  better  than  he  that  no  measure  less  radi- 
cal than  the  repeal  of  the  Corn  Laws  could  success- 
fully meet  the  rising  storm  and  avert  the  serious 
crisis  that  confronted  the  nation.  He  had  for  some 
time  watched  with  growing  apprehension  the  rapid 
growth  of  a  revolutionary  spirit  among  the  people 
on  the  continent  of  Europe.  He  had  become  con- 
vinced that  a  great  uprising  was  brewing,  and  he 
knew  the  undercurrent  of  sentiment  among  the 
masses  of  England  too  well  to  imagine  that  a  pal- 
tering or  a  vacillating  course  could  avert  a  forcible 
revolution,  if,  as  he  foresaw  that  it  in  all  probability 
would  do,  the  Continent  again  set  the  example. 
And  yet,  with  this  growing  conviction,  it  had  only 
been  after  a  long  and  bitter  struggle  with  ambition, 
with  prejudice  and  with  personal  desire,  that 
he  had  been  compelled  by  his  love  of  country  and 
by  his  conviction  of  duty  to  take  the  stand  that 
in  an  hour  made  him,  even  though  at  the  time 
prime  minister  of  the  realm,  virtually  a  statesman 

191 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

without  a  party.  Seldom  In  the  history  of  the 
statesmanship  of  modern  times  has  the  world 
witnessed  a  more  inspiring  or  nobler  spectacle  than 
that  presented  by  Sir  Robert  Peel  in  this  crisis  of 
English  history. 

On  the  fifteenth  of  March  the  bill  passed  the 
Commons  by  a  majority  of  ninety-eight.  It  was 
promptly  sent  to  the  House  of  Lords,  where  it 
received  the  indispensable  championship  of  the 
Duke  of  Wellington.  Personally  the  venerable  old 
Tory  did  not  wish  repeal ;  but  he  had  the  greatest 
confidence  in  Peel,  and  was  not  willing  to  jeopardize 
the  peace  of  the  nation  by  refusing  to  throw  his 
great  influence  where  the  throne  and  the  prime  min- 
ister believed  the  cause  of  wisdom  and  justice  to  lie. 
The  bill  passed  the  House  of  Lords  on  the  twenty- 
fifth  of  June. 

The  announcement  of  the  triumph  set  England 
aflame  with  enthusiasm.  One  of  the  influential 
papers  of  the  day,  in  an  excellent  summary  of  the 
achievement,  said  : 


*<  A  great  revolution  has  been  peacefully  achieved  j  a  revolution 
unstained  by  bloodshed — having  for  its  object  no  dethronement  of  a 
dynasty,  no  substitution  of  one  tyranny  in  the  place  of  another — hav- 
ing no  punishment,  no  harshness,  no  evil  of  any  kind  in  its  composi- 
tion— was  wrought  by  discussion  alone,  and  by  the  inherent  and  irre- 
sistible powers  of  Truth  and  Justice." 

192 


The  Repeal 

It  was  one  of  the  Ironies  of  fate  that  the  very 
day  that  saw  the  passage  of  the  great  reform 
measure  in  the  House  of  Lords  witnessed  also  the 
fall  of  Sir  Robert  Peel's  ministry,  on  a  vote  touch- 
ing a  coercive  bill  introduced  into  the  house  to  meet 
a  lawless  condition  in  Ireland,  due  chiefly  to  the 
terrible  suffering  of  the  poor.  Though  the  Tories 
heartily  favored  the  prime  minister's  measure,  they 
had  determined  to  wreak  revenge  upon  him  for 
what  they  regarded  as  his  betrayal,  by  driving  him 
into  private  life. 

The  splendid  work  achieved  by  Peel  in  carrying 
the  Anti-Corn-Law  measure  to  a  successful  issue  in 
the  face  of  such  opposition  as  had  confronted  him 
in  Parliament,  was  glory  enough  for  one  life. 

The  passage  of  this  measure  was  incomparably 
the  most  important  political  step  taken  since  the 
enactment  of  the  Reform  Bill  in  1832;  it  announced 
the  entrance  of  England  upon  a  long  and  marvel- 
ously  prosperous  career.  It  moreover  marked  the 
triumph  of  the  people  over  a  stubborn  aristocracy  ; 
the  victory  of  justice  over  greed  ;  of  the  masses 
over  the  favored  few. 

The  Anti-Corn-Law  movement  was  quickened 
by  the  new  spirit  of  popular  rule  ;  with  its  success 
Great  Britain  set  her  face  steadfastly  toward  the 
democratic  ideal. 

13  193 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

Finally,  the  great  popular  victory  averted  the 
revolution  of  force  that  was  without  doubt  threat- 
ening, and  which,  had  it  not  been  for  the  repeal, 
would  probably  have  broken  out  in  terrible  fury  in 
1848,  when  the  Continent  became  the  theater  of 
such  general  uprisings  of  the  people  as  had  never 
before  been  known. 


194 


CHAPTER   X. 

LESSONS   FOR    THE  PRESENT 

Importance  of  Repeal  and  of  Reform  Bill  —  Obstacles  Apparently 
Insurmountable  —  No  Such  Word  as  Fail  —  League  Methods  — 
Singleness  of  Aim  —  Tables  Turned  —  Youth  the  Mainstay  of 
Anti-Corn-Law  Movement  —  Appeal  to  Reason  and  Conscience 
—  Lessons  of  Chartism  —  Conclusion. 

THE  STORY  of  the  social  agitation  that 
marked  the  early  years  of  Queen  Vic- 
toria's reign  is  replete  with  lessons,  with 
suggestions,  and  with  warnings  to  the  friends  of 
free  government.  The  success  achieved  by  the 
Anti-Corn-Law  League  is  one  of  the  most  inspiring 
spectacles  in  modern  history.  It  would  be  difficult 
to  overestimate  the  value  to  the  cause  of  peaceful 
progress  of  the  repeal  of  the  ancient  class-laws  that 
fostered  monopoly  in  the  breadstuffs  of  the  English 
nation. 

This  victory,  and  the  passage  of  the  Reform  Bill 
in  1832,  furnish  two  striking  illustrations  of  how 
the  democratic  idea  may  be  realized  in  the  actual 
working  of  government  in  spite  of  opposition  that 

195 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

seems  to  be  insurmountable.  They  prove  that 
ancient  wrongs,  no  matter  how  firmly  entrenched, 
no  matter  how  rich  and  powerful  their  upholders, 
may  be  overthrown  by  pacific  methods  when  the 
reason  of  a  people  has  been  convinced  of  the  right- 
eousness of  a  cause,  and  their  sense  of  right 
appealed  to. 

In  the  victory  of  the  Reform  Bill  we  have  an 
illustration  of  the  achievement  of  a  revolutionary 
step  in  government  in  spite  of  an  opposition  so  for- 
midable that  it  seemed  almost  absurd  to  imagine 
that  the  innovation  could  be  introduced  without  the 
shock  of  arms. 

During  the  Anti-Corn-Law  crusade  it  was  often 
urged  that,  no  matter  how  well  the  people  might  be 
educated  on  the  question,  the  Parliament  would 
never  consent  to  the  reform,  as  its  members  were 
too  deeply  interested  in  the  maintenance  of  the 
special  privilege ;  that  the  landed  interests  would  be 
able  easily  to  defeat  any  number  of  representatives 
sufficient  to  make  the  bill's  passage  at  all  probable 
in  the  Commons  ;  while,  should  the  measure  by  any 
chance  pass  the  lower  house,  the  Lords  would  never 
consent  to  ratify  a  proposition  that  would  deplete 
their  revenues  in  so  substantial  a  way.  The  force 
of  this  argument  will  be  appreciated  when  we  call 
to   mind  these   words   of   Mr.    McCarthy  :   "  The 

196 


Lessons  for  the  Present 

free-trade  leaders  must  have  found  their  hearts  sink 
within  them  when  they  came  sometimes  to  confront 
that  fortress  of  traditions  and  vested  rights.  Even 
after  the  change  made  in  favour  of  manufacturing 
and  middle-class  interests  by  the  Reform  Bill,  the 
House  of  Commons  was  still  composed,  as  to  nine- 
tenths  of  its  whole  number,  by  representatives  of 
the  landlords.  The  entire  House  of  Lords  was 
then  constituted  of  the  owners  of  land.  All  tradi- 
tion, all  prestige,  all  the  dignity  of  aristocratic  insti- 
tutions, seemed  to  be  naturally  arrayed  against  the 
new  movement."  * 

And  yet — with  the  great  press  closed  to  the 
League,  with  the  landed  interests  and  the  nobility 
a  unit  against  the  reform,  with  the  church  either 
openly  in  sympathy  with  the  Tories  or  discreetly 
silent,  with  the  Chartists  fighting  the  repealers  as 
vigorously  as  the  Conservatives  were  doing,  and 
with  Parliament  overwhelmingly  in  favor  of  retain- 
ing the  odious  measure — the  League  so  aroused  the 
moral  sentiment  of  England  that  the  unwilling 
government  was  forced  to  bow  before  the  might  of 
an  awakened  national  conscience. 

The  fact  that  in  a  period  of  eight  years  this  little 
band  of  moral  heroes  was  able  to  work  so  mighty  a 

*  Justin   McCarthy,   ''History  of   Our  Own  Times,"  Am.   ed., 

vol.    I.,    p.    222. 

197 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

change  from  the  old  order  to  the  new — a  revolution, 
in  fact — should  prove  to  all  reformers  that  there 
need  be  no  such  word  as  fail^  if  a  just  and  true 
cause  can  call  to  its  aid  a  few  men  willing  to  dedi- 
cate their  very  existence  to  its  triumph,  and  who 
will  exercise  wisdom  in  their  work,  as  well  as  the 
enthusiasm  born  of  a  passionate  love  of  justice. 

The  Anti-Corn-Law  League  did  not  seek  victory 
in  a  day ;  but  it  did  set  out  to  convince  the  reason 
and  to  arouse  the  conscience  of  every  man  and 
woman  of  intelligence  and  conviction  who  was  open 
to  the  truth.  By  working  persistently  on  this  line 
the  reformers  assured  final  victory. 

The  methods  employed  by  the  League  for  reach- 
ing and  arousing  the  conscience  of  England  are  so 
helpfully  suggestive  to  us  to-day  that  we  may  here 
well  make  a  resume  of  them  : 

With  the  government,  with  the  preponderance  of 
the  wealth  of  the  nation,  and  with  the  opinion- 
forming  agencies  actively  hostile,  the  League  organ- 
ized its  campaign  and  carried  it  to  success  by  syste- 
matic educational  methods.  These  embraced  a 
lecture  bureau  employing  a  number  of  trained,  able, 
wise  and  temperate  speakers,  who  succeeded  in 
forming  clubs  or  associations,  /'.  ^.,  centers  of  inter- 
est, through  which  the  main  organization  was 
enabled  to  reach  an  increasing  number  of  voters  at 

198 


Lessons  for  the  Present 

each  successive  election.  The  printing-press  also 
ably  supplemented  the  lecturers  ;  when  the  great 
journals  refused  to  give  a  hearing,  the  League  set 
at  work  printing  tracts,  questions  and  answers,  brief 
and  pointed  arguments,  songs,  popular  poems, 
fables,  and  stories,  till  the  great  body  of  English- 
men had  been  reached  and  intelligently  appealed  to. 
This  propaganda  by  tracts  and  leaflets  was  further 
reinforced  by  a  weekly  organ  that  chronicled  the 
news  of  the  movement,  while  teeming  with  masterly 
arguments  in  favor  of  the  cause.  By  having  one 
recognized  official  organ,  instead  of  a  score  of  weak 
and  ill-printed  journals  each  leading  a  precarious 
existence,  the  cause  was  greatly  strengthened. 
Those  interested  in  the  League  were  sufficient  in 
number  to  support  one  paper  and  make  it  a  great 
power  in  England,  far  more  effective  than  was  the 
host  of  warring  Chartist  organs  that  sprang  up  like 
mushrooms  on  every  side  and  most  of  which  lived 
but  a  short  time,  then  disappeared. 

In  the  great  cities  mass  meetings  were  frequently 
held,  at  which  the  strongest  men  in  the  movement 
were  present.  These  meetings  were  carried  on  with 
the  same  moral  fervor  that  marks  the  great  religious 
revivals  of  our  time.  Moreover,  those  who  attended 
them  were  supplied  with  packages  of  printed  matter 
that  was  pretty  sure  to  interest  the  reader,  and  to 

199 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

convince  him  that  there  was  much  at  least  to  be 
said  in  favor  of  the  cause.  Often  the  lecturers 
went  out  by  twos,  as  did  Cobden  and  Bright  on 
many  occasions.  Thus  one  supplemented  the 
other;  and,  in  places  where  great  interest  was 
shown,  one  of  the  speakers  could  remain  for 
other  lectures  and  so  better  organize  the  move- 
ment in  the  place,  while  his  colaborer  filled  the 
next  engagement. 

And  so,  in  that  great  movement  in  this  Re- 
public to  which  millions  have  rallied,  these  con- 
ditions are  not  to  be  ignored  by  persons  at  all 
familiar  with  the  menace  confronting  our 
American  institutions  to-day.  There  is  not  need 
to  here  consume  any  space  by  recounting  the 
charges  which  are  so  freely  made  against  the 
Roman  Hierarchy  and  the  children  of  Rome  in 
America.  Persons  not  familiar  with  the  certain 
fact  that  a  sinister  influence  is  eating  at  the 
very  vitals  of  our  liberal  democracy  need  only 
to  read  a  very  few  of  the  many  good  books 
(referred  to  in  the  introduction)  ably  authored 
and  widely  circulated,  but  which  have  as  yet 
been  too  lightly  considered. 

Those  in  any  degree  familiar  with  that  mag- 
nificent movement  to  which  the  Free  Press  De- 
fense League,  of  Fort  Scott,  Kan.,  is  devoted, 

200 


Lessons  for  the  Present 

can  readily  see  in  the  foregoing  a  method  of 
procedure  not  entirely  unlike  that  being  used  by 
the  Free  Press  Defense  League.  The  censor- 
ship and  subsidizing  of  the  daily  press  by  the 
Roman  hierarchy  to  such  a  degree  that  very  lit- 
tle news  derogatory  to  priests,  prelates  or,  in 
fact,  any  part  of  the  papal  system  appears  in  its 
columns,  must  be  broken. 

As,  in  England,  'The  League"  became  the 
great  national  organ  of  the  Anti-Corn-Law 
movement,  so  in  America  the  necessity  of  con- 
centrating upon  some  one  well-edited  journal  in 
order  that  it  might  become  a  national  organ  has 
already  resulted  in  making  The  Menace,  pub- 
lished at  Aurora,  Mo.,  the  most  powerful,  abso- 
lutely independent  press  in  the  country.  Recent 
meetings  held  under  the  auspices  of  the  Free 
Press  Defense  League  testify  to  the  popularity 
and  the  success,  as  well  as  the  necessity,  for  a 
continued  campaign  of  lectures.  As  was  done 
in  England,  so  should  we  in  America  discourage 
all  attempts  to  make  this  movement  a  vehicle 
for  the  convenient  carriage  of  any  other  reform 
theory  until  such  a  time  as  papal  aggression  and 
encroachment  are  forever  checked. 

At  such  a  time  friends  of  other  reforms  and 
opponents  of  special  privilege  will,  no  doubt,  find 

201 


Hozv  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

in  the  Free  Press  Defense  League  and  The 
Menace,  mighty  organizations  very  kindly  dis- 
posed toward  those  things  which  will  bring  about 
a  betterment  of  conditions  for  the  masses. 

The  mob  spirit,  attendant  in  so  many  cases 
upon  efforts  to  hold  lectures  in  various  cities 
over  the  country,  to  be  sure,  is  a  menace  to  free 
speech;  but  while  a  menace  to  free  speech,  the 
proper  publicity  of  such  lawlessness  is  a  weapon 
in  the  hands  of  those  seeking  to  bring  about  a 
more  wholesome  respect  for  our  constitutional 
guarantees;  for  it  shows  conclusively  that  the 
sinister  enemy  to  which  the  Free  Press  Defense 
League,  The  Menace,  and  the  patriotic  millions 
are  devoting  their  attention  will  stoop  to  any 
level  to  accomplish  a  desired  end  and  prohibit 
a  discussion  of  those  charges  so  amply  sup- 
ported by  evidence  as  to  make  it  undesirable  to 
Rome  for  such  meetings  to  be  held. 

It  only  remains  for  each  citizen  already  in- 
terested to  see  to  it  that  he  or  she  encourages  a 
wider  distribution  of  all  that  tends  to  quicken 
the  consciousness  of  the  people.  The  persecu- 
tions of,  and  unjust  treatment  accorded,  patriotic 
speakers  in  towns  and  cities,  either  by  city  or 
State  authorities,  subservient  to  Rome,  in  collab- 
oration with  dutiful  sons  of  the  hierarchy,  can 

202 


Lessons  for  the  Present 

only  serve  to  help  the  Cause  when  given  proper 
publicity. 

Some  view  the  anti-papal  movement  as  radi- 
cal, while  others  view  it  as  an  opposition  to  the 
religion  of  Rome;  the  enlightened  thinker  knows 
it  is  neither.  All  of  the  recommendations  made 
at  the  instance  of  the  Free  Press  Defense 
League  through  its  lectures,  the  columns  of  The 
Menace,  or  otherwise,  have  been  nobly  conserva- 
tive. Even  the  resolution  for  the  investigation 
of  political  Romanism,  which  the  daily  press  has 
ignored  as  religiously  as  though  it  were  so  much 
poison,  but  which  has  been  published  in  a  num- 
ber of  the  Masonic  organs  and  some  of  the 
church  papers,  is  so  thoroughly  in  harmony  with 
the  spirit  of  democracy  as  to  be  as  ultra-con- 
servative as  a  democratic  measure  could  be.  It 
seeks  to  establish  a  Congressional  investigating 
committee,  vested  with  power  to  assemble  wher- 
ever occasion  demands,  to  examine  the  teachings 
of  the  Roman  hierarchy  and  its  attitude  in 
spirit  and  action  toward  our  public  schools,  the 
free  press,  the  right  of  free  speech  and  public 
assembly,  the  right  of  freedom  of  thought  in 
matters  of  conscience,  and  the  principle  of  sepa- 
ration of  church  and  state. 

The  purpose  of  this   resolution,  as  well  as 

203 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

the  purpose  of  every  recommendation  to  which 
the  Free  Press  Defense  League  has  given  its 
support,  is  merely  to  bring  before  the  American 
pubHc,  in  a  vivid  manner,  a  presentation  of  ac- 
tual facts  in  order  that  the  allegations  may  be 
brought  before  the  bar  of  public  opinion  and, 
if  need  be,  action  taken  that  will  insure  the  exit 
of  the  Roman  Catholic  political  machine  from 
politics;  which  will  necessarily  be  accompanied 
by  a  vast  shaking-up  of  the  papal  system 
throughout  the  land;  a  shaking-up  that  will  re- 
sult in  nothing  more  or  less  than  that  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  shall  take  its  place  by  the  side 
of  our  many  great  Protestant  denominations. 

The  Anti-Corn-Law  League  addressed  the 
reason  and  the  conscience  of  England.  Never 
was  an  economic  measure  presented  more 
strongly  to  the  ethical  side  of  man's  nature. 
With  Richard  Cobden  and  with  John  Bright  the 
reform  came  to  be  a  religion,  and  their  enthu- 
siasm was  infectious. 

The  lecturers,  the  poets,  and  the  writers  of 
tracts  made  their  appeals  directly  to  conscience 
— to  the  divine  afflatus  in  the  individual.  They 
pleaded  with  those  in  easy  circumstances  to 
think  of  the  starving;  and,  inasmuch  as  they  set 
their  cause  on  a  high  moral  or  spiritual  plane 

204 


Lessons  for  the  Present 

and  avoided  all  threats,  they  reached  and 
warmed  into  active  life  the  hearts  of  men  and 
of  women  who  had  all  their  lives  been  the  serv- 
ants of  prejudice  and  the  slaves  of  self-interest. 
Can  we  afford  to  do  less?  Would  not  a  contin- 
uation of  the  present  rapid  success  with  which 
Rome  and  special  privilege,  walking  hand  in 
hand,  are  capturing  our  daily  press  prove  preju- 
dicial to  all  other,  even  though  later,  interests 
of  the  people  as  truly  as  it  is  now  proving  prej- 
udicial to  the  interests  of  our  free  institutions 
and  the  liberties  of  individuals  to  an  extent 
which,  by  reason  of  this  very  censorship,  is  not 
yet  realized? 

The  enactment  of  laws,  so  long  as  the  people 
remain  in  ignorance  and  our  seats  of  govern- 
ment in  the  control  of  the  enemy — if  such  a 
thing  were  possible — would  merely  be  pretense 
at  finding  a  remedy. 

We  must  strike  boldly  at  the  fountain-head, 
with  vast  programs  of  publicity  well  executed 
through  the  press  and  public  platform,  through 
leaflets,  pamphlets,  and  all  other  available 
sources ;  and  thus  educate  our  Protestant  hordes 
to  a  thorough  familiarity  with  those  things 
which  have  accompanied  Roman  dominancy  in 
every  other  land,  and  the  fact  that  our  own  land 

205 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

is  suffering  in  just  the  degree  that  we  are  per- 
mitting papal  encroachment,  through  Jesuit- 
ical tactics,  upon  our  liberties. 

Gerald  Massey,  in  a  preface  to  his  reform 
poems  of  the  Anti-Corn-Law  period,  expressed 
his  realization  of  the  fact  that  the  cause  for 
which  he  and  his  friends  had  wrought,  though 
for  a  time  it  had  appeared  lost,  was  magnifi- 
cently triumphant;  and  that  without  bloodshed, 
without  the  destruction  of  life  or  property,  and 
without  pitting  hate  against  hate,  or  arousing 
class  against  class.  It  is  precisely  along  this 
line  that  the  Free  Press  Defense  League  is 
working. 

In  the  Anti-Corn-Law  victory,  however,  it 
is  well  to  remember  that  the  happy  issue  was  due 
not  wholly  to  the  League.  As  we  have  said, 
final  victory  was  sure.  Yet,  had  there  been  a 
George  III.  on  the  throne,  or  had  the  prime  min- 
ister of  the  realm  and  the  leader  of  the  Oppo- 
sition been  a  Bourbon,  we  can  easily  see  how 
England  might  have  witnessed  all  the  horrors 
of  a  bloody  revolution,  with  its  waste  of  life 
and  its  destruction  of  property — from  which  she 
would  finally  have  arisen  with  hate  and  bitter- 
ness rife  on  every  hand,  with  new  dangers  and 
complications  to  be  grappled  with,  while  lacking 


206 


Lessons  for  the  Present 

that  cool  wisdom  and  sound  judgment  which  are 
essential  to  the  right  settlement  of  any  momen- 
tous issue. 

And  what  issue  could  be  of  greater  moment 
to  the  American  people  than  to  maintain  im- 
pregnable the  fundamental  guarantees  of  our 
Federal  Constitution?  Our  interests  are  ever 
quickened  at  the  evidence  of  graft  and  debauch- 
ery in  politics,  but  because  of  the  fact  that  the 
Roman  Catholic  Hierarchy's  political  aggres- 
sions have  been  made  under  the  guise  of 
religion,  charity  and  other  names  for  which  we 
have  reverence,  we  have  failed  to  look  into  the 
case  as  carefully  as  the  evidence  will  warrant. 

Our  great  cities  are  in  the  grip  of  Rome. 
Where  will  we  find  among  any  class  of  politi- 
cians, or  in  any  branch  of  politics,  a  condition 
more  significant  or  more  corrupt  than  is  in  evi- 
dence in  Chicago?  The  Roman  Catholic  House 
of  the  Good  Shepherd  in  that  city  is  benefiting 
from  Sections  1  and  2  of  "An  act  for  the  benefit 
of  the  Chicago  Erring  Woman's  Refuge  for  Re- 
form, and  the  House  of  the  Good  Shepherd"  to 
be  found  in  ''1  Private  Laws  of  1869,  page  254." 
These  sections  of  that  law  read: 

"Section    1.     Be   it   enacted   by  the   people   of  the    State   of 
Illinois  represented  in  General  Assembly,  That  all  of  the  fines  col- 

207 


Hozv  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

lected  by  the  City  of  Chicago  from  the  keepers,  inmates  and 
visitors  of  houses  of  prostitution,  and  from  any  person  in  any- 
way connected  therewith,  shall  be  set  aside  by  said  City  of 
Chicago  for  the  sole  use  and  benefit  of  the  Chicago  Erring 
Woman's  Refuge  for  Reform,  and  the  House  of  the  Good  Shep- 
herd, in  said  city,  and  shall  be  equally  divided  between  said  two 
institutions. 

"Section  2.  The  board  of  trustees  of  said  Erring  Woman's 
Refuge  for  Reform  and  the  House  of  the  Good  Shepherd  shall 
have  power  to  draw,  monthly,  upon  said  fund  by  their  respective 
checks,  that  of  the  former  to  be  drawn  by  the  president  and  coun- 
tersigned by  the  secretary,  and- that  of  the  latter  to  be  drawn  by 
the  superior,  and  countersigned  by  the  assistant  superior,  upon  the 
treasurer  or  other  custodian  having  said  moneys  in  control  or 
possession. 

Aside  from  the  conclusive  evidence  which 
the  very  presence  on  the  statute  books  of  the 
sections  just  quoted,  alone  affords,  showing  how 
Rome  lobbied  for,  and  obtained,  this  legislation; 
aside  from  its  political  aspect;  aside  from  all 
other  things  concerned,  what  Protestant  Church 
would  accept  from  a  government  one-half  of  the 
fines  levied  on  fallen  women  for  any  purpose 
whatever?  Yet  the  Roman  Catholic  Church 
plans  for,  procures  and  appropriates  to  its  own 
peculiar  uses  more  than  $137,959.41  as  a  result 
of  this  legislation  before  even  a  word  of  protest 
is  raised.  Why  should  we,  the  apostles  of 
liberty,  reared  to  exercise  our  God-given  powers 
of  thought  and  reason,  have  hesitated  so  long 
to  search  to  the  very  bottom  a  system — be  it 

208 


Lessons  fo7'  the  Present 

styled  religious,  political  or  agnostic — that  will 
even  passively  submit  to  accepting  such  remuner- 
ation as  we  know  this  Roman  Catholic  Institu- 
tion has  been  accepting  since  1869?  If  this  ac- 
ceptance of  tainted  money  is  not  a  demonstra- 
tion of  a  church  in  politics,  then  what  is  it?  If 
it  is  not  an  example  of  corrupt  practice  and  an 
instance  of  political  graft  and  ''pull,"  being 
wielded  at  the  expense  of  the  most  unfortunate 
and  pitiable  creatures  on  earth,  where  will  you 
turn  to  find  it? 

But  the  exploiting  of  these  unfortunates  is  a 
mere  bagatelle  in  political  significance  as  com- 
pared with  the  other  aggressions  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church.  She  is  seeking :  to  bring  about 
the  election  of  papal  politicians,  or  subservient 
tools;  the  control  of  appointments  to  positions 
of  preference;  to  procure  legislation  favorable 
to  the  many  institutions  peculiar  to  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church,  and,  in  addition  to  all  this, 
every  possible  subterfuge  is  cunningly  brought 
to  bear  to  induce  officials  to  laxly  enforce  the 
laws  where  the  hierarchy  may  benefit.  These 
])eculiar  advantages  gained  through  official,  or 
any  other  capacity  will — so  surely  as  they  are 
allowed  to  proceed  unchecked — undermine  every 
bulwark  of  this  liberty-loving  government,  and 

209 


How  England  Averted  a  Revolution  of  Force 

to  check  these  aggressions  we,  as  a  people,  must 
oppose  them  by  every  honorable  means. 

This  we  can  do  and  carry  the  Cause  to  vic- 
tory if  we  consecrate  our  energies  and  talents 
to  the  task,  if  to  wisdom  we  add  the  high  moral 
enthusiasm  which  has  ever  proved  irresistible 
in  moving  mankind. 

The  peaceful  settlement  of  this  cause,  how- 
ever, must  of  necessity  depend  largely  upon  the 
wisdom  of  the  people  in  selecting  as  legislators 
and  leaders  only  men  of  such  lofty  character 
that  neither  gold,  ambition  nor  flattery  can  lure 
them  from  the  way  of  Justice;  nor  abuse,  slan- 
der or  unjust  criticism  frighten  them  from  the 
path  of  duty. 

Surely  in  this  crucial  time  we  can  profit  by 
the  experience  of  others  and  draw  a  lesson  of 
no  small  significance  from  the  forties  of  the 
nineteenth  century  in  Great  Britain;  a  lesson 
that  must  at  once  prove  instructive  and  inspiring 
to  all  who  earnestly  desire  to  see  our  great 
Republic  fronting  the  Eternal  Day,  guided  by 
wnsdom,  by  justice  and  by  love,  and  scorning 
sordid  and  selfish  motives  that  seek  to  turn  her 
from  her  Heaven-sent  mission  as  the  leader  of 
civilization's  vanguard. 


210 


APPENDIX 


APPENDIX 


I.    rrPICJL     POEMS    AND     SONGS     OF    THE 

PERIOD    OF   THE    CORN-LAW  AND 

CHARTIST   AGITATIONS 

As  A  RULE  historians  pay  but  slight  heed  to  the  influence  of 
literature  upon  public  opinion  in  a  period  of  social  agitation, 
while  the  poems  of  protest  that  appear  are  usually  wholly 
ignored.  Yet  often  the  tract,  the  pamphlet,  the  popular  song  are 
powerful  agents  in  a  revolutionary  movement  j  it  is  quite  sure  that 
the  poems  of  protest  published  during  the  Corn-Law  and  Chartist 
agitations  were  very  effective.  Indeed,  to  understand  the  temper  of 
the  time,  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  catch  something  of  the  popular 
spirit  from  the  work  of  the  people's  poets.  For  this  reason,  I  give 
a  number  of  typical  productions  of  this  revolutionary  era.  Some  of 
these  verses  have  but  little  value  beyond  illustrating  the  feeling  of  the 
people  and  their  point  of  view  when  the  rhymes  were  written  j  others 
are  applicable  to  present  conditions  no  less  than  to  the  time  that 
called  them  forth ;  while  not  a  few  will  continue  to  be — 

**....    breakers  of  the  peace, 
Till  the  Wrongs  are  righted  5 

The   man-made  miseries  cease ; 
Till  earth's  Disinherited 
Beg  no  more  to  earn  their  bread." 

In  point  of  time  Ebenezer  Elliott's  rhymes  come  first  in  the  reform 
verse  of  the  period.     It  is  an  interesting  fact   that    Southev — then 

213 


Appendix 

poet-laureate  of  England — took  great  interest  in  the  work  of  the 
Corn-Law  Rhymer,  as  did  also  Bulwer  Lytton  and  Thomas  Carlyle. 
The  following  lines  on  monopoly  are  from  the  exordium  to  Elliott's 
greatest  poem,  "The  Village  Patriarch": 


"Monopoly!  if  every  funeral  bough 
Of  thine  be  hung  with  crimes  too  foul  to  namej 
Accursed  of  millions  !  if  already  thou, 
Watch' d  by  mute  vengeance  and  indignant  shame, 
Art  putting  forth  thy  buds  of  blood  and  flame, 
What  will  thy  fruitage  be  ?     No  matter — wave 
Thy  branches  o'er  our  hearts!  and,  like  a  pall. 
Let  thy  broad  shadow  darken  Freedom's  grave! 
Not  yet  the  Upas  of  the  Isles  shall  fall, 
If  aught  shall  stand.     Spread,  then,  and  cover  all  ! 
Fear'st  thou  the  axe?     Long  since  the  feller  died} 
And  thou  art  deaf  to  thunder.      But,   Black  Tree! 
'Thine  oivn  fruits  ivill  consume  thee  in  thy  pride ! 
O  may  thy  inbred  flame  blast  naught  but  thee. 
When  burns  the  beacon  which  the  blind  shall  see! 
Meantime,  I  make  my  theme  the  toil  and  grief 
That  water  thee  with  tears — the  fear  and  hate     - 
Whose  mutter' d  curses  fan  thy  deadly  leaf — 
Sad,  silent  changes — burning  wrongs,  that  wait 
To  hear  Delusion  scream  at  Rapine's  gate, 

'Our  master's  cause  is  lost,  and  Hell's  undone!*  ** 


Elliott  abhorred  war  and  all  display  of  physical  force,  or  of  the 
mob  spirit ;  yet  at  times  he  seemed  to  be  mastered  by  the  revolu- 
tionary temper  of  the  period.  In  some  of  his  most  stirring  lines  he 
reflected  the  conviction  of  many  of  the  clearest-sighted  even  though 
most  optimistic  philosophers  of  England,  that  a  struggle  was  inevitable 
before  the  Corn  Laws  could  be  repealed.  In  the  "Battle  Song"  the 
Corn-Law  Rhymer  shows  a  high  degree  of  poetic  imagination  and 
displays  intense  feeling.  As  a  hymn  of  war  it  is  a  fine  creation} 
but  it  is  difficult  to  imagine  a  poet  who  shrank  from  the  thought  of 

214 


Appendix 

bloodshed,  and  of  the  misery  incident  to  war,  penning  the  following 
lines,  which  are  nothing  if  not  militant : 

"battle    song 

"Day,  like  our  souls,  is  fiercely  dark  j 

What  then?     'Tis  day! 
We  sleep  no  more;  the  cock  crows — hark! 

To  arms !  away  ! 
They  come!  they  come!  the  knell  is  rung 

Of  us,  or  them  ; 
Wide  o'er  their  march  the  pomp  is  flung 

Of  gold  and  gem. 
What  collar' d  hound  of  lawless  sway, 

To  famine  dear — 
What  pensioned  slave  of  Attila, 

Leads  in  the  rear? 
Come  they  from  Scythian  wilds  afar, 

Our  blood  to  spill  ? 
Wear  they  the  livery  of  the  Czar? 

They  do  his  will. 
Nor  tassel' d  silk,  nor  epaulette, 

Nor  plume,  nor  torse — 
No  splendour  gilds,  all  sternly   met, 

Our  foot  and  horse. 
But,  dark  and  still,  we  inly  glow. 

Condensed  in  ire  ! 
Strike,  tawdry  slaves,  and  ye  shall  know 

Our  gloom  is  fire. 
In  vain  your  pomp,  ye  evil   powers. 

Insults  the  land ; 
Wrongs,  vengeance,  and  the  cause  are  ours, 

And  God's  right  hand  ! 
Madmen  !  they  trample  into  snakes 

The  wormy  clod  ! 
Like  fire,  beneath  their  feet  awakes 

The  sword  of  God ! 
Behind,  before,  above,  below, 
They  rouse  the  brave  5 
Where'er  they  go,  they  make  a  foe, 

Or  find  a  grave." 
215 


Appendix 

While  boldly  arraigning  the  Corn  Laws  as  a  crying  wrong  against 
the  poor,  Elliott  was  not  blind  to  their  faults  as  shown  in  intemper- 
ance, and  in  that  shiftlessness  which  is  so  likely  to  appear  in  the  lives 
of  those  who  are  oftener  oppressed  by  fear  for  the  morrow  than 
buoyed  up  by  hope  of  a  brighter  future.  He  perceived  as  did  but 
few  men  of  his  time  the  power  of  beauty  over  the  imagination  of 
man,  its  subtile  influence  in  softening,  ennobling  and  enriching  life. 
H\e  knew  how  the  humblest  abode  was  glorified  and  refined  by  its 
presence  j  in  this  respect,  the  Sheffield  iron-worker  anticipated  the 
efforts  of  John  Ruskin.  Elliott  wrote  several  homely  poems  such 
as  would  appeal  to  the  simple  mind  of  the  poor  about  him.  The 
following  production  is  an  example  of  this  kind  : 

"the    home    of    taste 

**You   seek  the  hom.e  of  taste,  and  find 

The  proud  mechanic  there, 
Rich  as  a  king  and  less  a  slave. 

Throned  in  his  elbow-chair ! 
Or  on  his  sofa  reading  Locke, 

Beside  his  open  door ! 
Why  start  ? — why  envy  worth   like  his 

The  carpet  on  his  floor? 

"You  seek  the  home  of  sluttery — 

*  Is  John  at  home  ? '    you  say. 
*  No,  sir;  he's  at  the   "Sportsman's  Arms"; 
The  dog-fight's  o'er  the  way.' 
O  lift  the  workman's  heart  and  mind 

Above  low  sensual   sin  ! 
Give  him  a  home  !  the  home  of  taste  ! 
Outbid  the  house  of  gin  ! 

*'0   give  him  taste!  it  is  the  link 

Which  binds  us  to  the  skies — 
A  bridge  of  rainbows,  thrown  across 
The  gulf  of  tears  and  sighs ; 
216 


Appendix 


Or  like  a  widower's  little  one — 

An  angel  in  a  child — 
That  leads  him  to  her  mother's  chair, 

And  shews  him   how  she  smil'd." 

The  Corn-Law  Rhymer  wrote  some  of  the  strongest  lines  of  the 
time  when  all  England  was  convulsed  by  the  Reform-Bill  agitation. 
At  that  period  the  printing-press  was  coming  to  be  a  greater  factor 
in  shaping  public  opinion  than  it  had  ever  been  before.  It  was  the 
dawn  of  the  day  of  tracts  and  pamphlets.  The  multiplication  of 
printing-presses  gave  the  poet  hope  of  a  brighter  future  j  inspired  by 
this  hope  he  penned  the  following  stanzas,  which  give  us  a  hint  of  his 
love  of  nature,  second  with  Elliott  only  to  his  passion  for  justice  : 

"the    press 

"God  said — *Let  there  be  light!' 
Grim  darkness  felt  his  might. 
And  fled  away  j 
Then  startled  seas  and  mountains  cold 
Shone  forth,  all  bright  in  blue  and  gold, 

And  cried — ''Tis  day!    'tis  day!' 
*  Hail,  holy  light!'  exclaim' d 
The  thund'rous  cloud,  that  flamed 
O'er  daisies  white  5 
And,  lo  !  the  rose,  in  crimson  dress' d, 
Lean'd  sweetly  on  the  lily's  breast; 

And,  blushing,  murmured — 'Light!' 
Then  was  the  skylark  born  ; 
Then  rose  th'  embattl'd  corn; 
Then  floods  of  praise 
Flow'd  o'er  the  sunny  hills  of  noon; 
And  then,  in  stillest  night,  the  moon 

Pour'd  forth  her  pensive  lays. 
Lo,  heaven's  bright  bow  is  glad! 
Lo,  trees  and  flowers  all  clad 
In  glory,   bloom  ! 
And  shall  the  mortal  sons  of  God 
Be  senseless  as  the  trodden  clod, 
217 


Appendix 


And  darker  than  the  tomb  ? 
No,  by  the  mind  of  man  ! 
By  the  swart  artisan  ! 
By  God,  our  Sire ! 
Our  souls  have  holy  light  within, 
And  every  form  of  grief  and  sin 
Shall  see  and  feel  its  fire. 
By  earth,  and  hell,  and  heav'n. 
The  shroud  of  souls  is  riven  ! 
Mind,  mind  alone 
Is  light,  and  hope,  and  life,  and  power! 
Earth's  deepest  night,  from  this  bless' d  hour, 
The  night  of  minds,  is  gone ! 
*  The   Press ! '  all   lands  shall  sing  ; 
The  Press,  the  Press  we  bring, 
All  lands  to  bless : 
O  pallid  Want  !     O  Labour  stark  ! 
Behold,  we  bring  the  second  ark ! 

The  Press!  the  Press!  the  Press!'* 


We  come  now  to  two  fine  poems  that  were  referred  to  in  the  body 
of  this  book,  and  which  set  before  us  the  pitiful  lot  of  women  and 
children  in  our  boasted  modern  civilization.  Elizabeth  Barrett's 
"Cry  of  the  Children"  and  Thomas  Hood's  "Song  of  the  Shirt" 
will  live  in  literature  long  after  this  present  age  of  greed  shall  have 
given  place  to  a  worthier  time.      Here  follow  the  poems  : 

"the  cry  of  the  children 

***$eO,  (pev,  ri  irpoad^pKeadi  fi' 6fifjiacnu,  r^Kva.' — Medea. 

«Do   YE  hear  the  children  weeping,  O   my  brothers. 
Ere  the  sorrow  comes  with  years  ? 
They  are  leaning  their  young  heads  against  their  mothers, 

And  t/mt  cannot  stop  their  tears. 
The  young  lambs  are  bleating  in  the  meadows, 
The  young  birds  are  chirping  in  the  nest. 
The  young  fawns  are  playing  with  the  shadows. 

The  young  flowers  are  blowing  toward  the  west — 
218 


Appendix 


But  the  young,  young  children,  O   my  brothers, 

They  are  weeping  bitterly ! 
They  are  weeping,  in  the  playtime  of  the  others, 

In  the  country  of  the  free. 

"Do  you   question  the  young  children  in  the  sorrow, 

Why  their  tears  are  falling  so? 
The  old  man  may  weep  for  his  to-morrow 

Which  is  lost  in  Long  Ago, 
The  old  tree  is  leafless  in  the  forest, 

The  old  year,  is  ending  in  the  frost. 
The  old  wound,  if  stricken,  is  the  sorest, 

The  old  hope  is  hardest  to  be  lost: 
But  the  young,  young  children,  O  my  brothers, 

Do  you  ask  them   why  they  stand 
Weeping  sore  before  the  bosoms  of  their  mothers, 

In  our  happy  Fatherland  ? 

**They  look  up  with  their  pale  and  sunken  faces, 

And  their  looks  are  sad  to  see. 
For  the  man's  hoary  anguish  draws  and  presses 

Down  the  cheeks  of  infancy. 
<Your  old  earth,'    they  say,  'is  very  dreary. 

Our  young  feet,'  they  say,  *are  very  weak! 
Few  paces  have  we  taken,  yet  are  weary — 

Our  grave-rest  is  very  far  to  seek. 
Ask  the  aged  why  they  weep,  and  not  the  children, 

For  the  outside  earth  is  cold. 
And  we  young  ones  stand  without,  in  our  bewildering. 

And  the  graves  are  for  the  old. 

<<*True,'  say  the  children,  'it  may  happen 

That  we  die  before  our  time  : 
Little  Alice  died  last  year — her  grave  is  shapen 

Like  a  snowball  in  the  rime; 
We  looked  into  the  pit  prepared  to  take  her. 

Was  no  room   for  any  work  in  the  close  clay  ! 
From  the  sleep  wherein  she  lieth  none  will  wake  her. 

Crying,  "Get  up,  little  Alice!  it  is  day." 
If  you  listen  by  that  grave,  in  sun  and  shower, 

with  your  ear  down,  little  Alice   never  cries  I 
219 


Appendix 


Could  we  see  her  face,  be  sure  we  should  not  know  her, 
For  the  smile  has  time  for  growing  in  her  eyes, 

And  merry  go  her  moments,  lulled  and  stilled  in 
The  shroud  by  the  kirk-chime  ! 

It  is  good  when  it  happens,'  say  the  children, 
'That  we  die  before  our  time.' 

«<Alas,  alas,  the  children!  they  are  seeking 

Death  in  life,  as  best  to  have  ! 
They  are  binding  up  their  hearts  away  from  breaking, 

With  a  cerement  from  the  grave. 
Go  out,  children,  from  the  mine  and  from  the  city ; 

Sing  out,  children,  as  the  little  thrushes  do  j 
Pluck  your  handfuls  of  the  meadow-cowslips  pretty  j 

Laugh  aloud,  to  feel  your  fingers  let  them  through ! 
But  they  answer,  <Are  your  cowslips  of  the  meadows 

Like  our  weeds  anear  the  mine  ? 
Leave  us  quiet  in  the  dark  of  the  coal-shadows. 

From  your  pleasures  fair  and  fine  ! 

**  *For  oh,'  say  the  children,  *  we  are  weary, 

And  we  cannot  run  or  leap  j 
If  we  cared  for  any  meadows,  it  were  merely 

To  drop  down  in  them  and  sleep  ; 
Our  knees  tremble  sorely  in  the  stooping, 

We  fall  upon  our  faces,  trying  to  go, 
And,  underneath  our  heavy  eyelids  drooping. 

The  reddest  flower  would  look  as  pale  as  snow. 
For,  all  day,  we  drag  our  burden  tiring, 

Through  the  coal-dark,  underground; 
Or,  all  day,  we  drive  the  wheels  of  iron 

In  the  factories,  round  and  round. 

«*  <  For,  all  day,  the  wheels  are  droning,  turning  ; 

Their  wind  comes  in  our  faces, 
Till  our  hearts  turn ;  our  heads  with  pulses  burning. 

And  the  walls,  turn  in  their  places ; 
Turns  the  sky  in  the  high  window,  blank  and  reeling, 

Turns  the  long  light  that  drops  adown  the  wall. 
Turn  the  black  flies  that  crawl  along  the  celling, 

All  are  turning,  all  the  day,  and  we  with  all ; 


Appefidix 

And,  all  day,  the  iron  wheels  arc  droning, 
And  sometimCvS  we  could  pray  : 
<*0   ye  wheels''  (breaking  out  in  a  mad  moaning), 
<<Stop  !   be  silent  for  to-day  !"  ' 

**  Ay  !   be  silent  !      Let  them   hear  each  other  breathing 

For  a  moment,  mouth  to   mouth. 
Let  them  touch  each  other's  hands,  in  a  fresh   wreathing 

Of  their  tender  human  youth ! 
Let  them  feel  that  this  cold  metallic  motion 

Is  not  all  the   life  God  fashions  or  reveals, 
Let  them  prove  their  inward  souls  against  the  notion 

That  they  live  in  you,  or  under  you,  O   wheels ! 
Still,  all   day,  the  iron  wheels  go  onward. 

Grinding  life  down  from  its  mark. 
And  the  children's  souls,  which  God  is  calling  sunward. 

Spin  on  blindly  in  the  dark. 


"  Now,  tell  the  poor  young  children,  O   my  brothers, 

To  look  up  to   Him   and  pray. 
So  the  blessed   One,  who  blesseth  all  the  others, 

Will  bless  them  another  day. 
They  answer,  'Who  is  God  that  He  should  hear  us, 

While  the  rushing  of  the  iron   wheels  is  stirred  ? 
When  we  sob  aloud,  the  human  creatures  near  us 

Pass  by,  hearing  not,  or  answer  not  a  word  ! 
'And  <uje  hear  not  (for  the  wheels  in  their  resounding) 

Strangers  speaking  at  the  door : 
Is  it  likely   God,  with  angels  singing  round   Him, 

Hears  our  weeping  any  more? 

« <  Two  words,  indeed,  of  praying  we   remember. 

And,  at  midnight's  hour  of  harm, 
"Our  Father,"  looking  upward  in  the  chamber, 
We  say  softly  for  a  charm  j 
We  know  no  other  words  except   <<  Our  Father," 

And  we  think  that,  in  some  pause  of  angels'  song, 
God  may  pluck  them  with  the  silence  sweet  to  gather. 

And  hold  both  within   His  right  hand  which  is  strong. 
*' Our  Father!"     If  He  heard  us.  He  would  surely 


Appendix 


(For  they  call  Him  good  and  mild) 
Answer,  smiling  down  the  steep  world  very  purely, 
**  Come  and  rest  with  me,  my  child." 

**  ♦  But  no  ! '  say  the  children,  weeping  faster, 
*  He  is  speechless  as  a  stone — 
And  they  tell  us,  of  His  image  is  the  master 

Who  commands  us  to  work  on  j 
Go  to ! '  say  the  children,  <  up  in  Heaven 

Dark,  wheel-like,  turning  clouds  are  all  we  find  ; 
Do  not  mock  us,  grief  has  made  us  unbelieving, 

We  look  up  for  God,  but  tears  have  made  us  blind.' 
Do  you  hear  the  children  weeping  and  disproving, 

O  my  brothers,  what   ye  preach  ? 
For  God's  possible  is  taught  by   His  world's  loving — 

And  the  children  doubt  of  each  ! 

**And  well  may  the  children  weep  before  you  : 

They  are  weary  ere  they  run  ; 
They  have  never  seen  the  sunshine,  nor  the  glory 

Which  is  brighter  than  the  sun  j 
They  know  the  grief  of  man,  but  not  the  wisdom  j 

They  sink  in  man's  despair,  without  its  calm  ; 
Are  slaves,  without  the  liberty  in  Christdom  j 

Are  martyrs,  by  the  pang  without  the  palm  ; 
Are  worn,  as  if  with  age,  yet  unretrievingly 

The  harvest  of  its  memories  cannot  reap, — 
Are  orphans  of  the  earthly  love  and  heavenly. 

Let  them  weep  !  let  them  weep  ! 

**  They  look  up,  with  their  pale  and  sunken  faces, 

And  their  look  is  dread  to  see. 
For  they  mind  you  of  their  angels  in  high  places, 

With  eyes  turned  on  Deity. 
*  How  long,'  they  say,  *  how  long,  O  cruel  nation. 

Will  you  stand,  to  move  the  world,  on  a  child's  heart, 
Stifle  down  with  a  mailed  heel  its  palpitation. 

And  tread  onward  to  your  throne  amid  the  mart  ? 
Our  blood  splashes  upward,  O  gold-heaper. 

And  your  purple  shows  your  path  ; 
But  the  child's  sob  in  the  silence  curses  deeper 

Than  the  strong  man  in  his  wrath  !'  " 

222 


Appendix 


**THE     SONG     OF     THE      SHIRT 

«<  With  fingers  weary  and  worn, 
With  eyelids  heavy  and  red, 
A  woman  sat,  in  unwomanly  rags, 
Plying  her  needle  and  thread. 

Stitch — stitch — stitch  ! 
In  poverty,  hunger,  and  dirt  ; 
And  still  with  a  voice  of  dolorous  pitch 
She  sang  the  *  Song  of  the  Shirt ! ' 

<«  *  Work — work — work  ! 

While  the  cock  is  crowing  aloof! 
And  work — work — work, 

Till  the  stars  shine  through  the  roof! 

It 's  O  !  to  be  a  slave. 
Along  with  the  barbarous  Turk, 
Where  woman  has  never  a  soul  to  save, 
If  this  is  Christian  work! 


«<  *  Work — work — work, 

Till  the  brain  begins  to  swim  j 
Work — work — work. 

Till  the  eyes  are  heavy  and  dim  I 

Seam,  and  gusset,  and  band. 
Band,  and  gusset,  and  seam, 
Till  over  the  buttons  I  fall  asleep. 
And  sew  them  on  in  a  dream  ! 


««<0  men,  with  sisters  dear ! 

O  men,  with  mothers  and  wives! 
It  is  not  linen  you're  wearing  out, 
But  human  creatures'  lives ! 

Stitch — stitch — stitch  ! 
In  poverty,  hunger,  and  dirt  ; 
Sewing  at  once,  with  a  double  thread, 
A  shroud  as  well  as  a  shirt. 
223 


Appendix 


** '  But  why  do  I  talk  of  death  ? 

That  phantom  of  grisly  bone  j 
I  hardly  fear  his  terrible  shape. 
It  seems  so  like  my  own. 

It  seems  so  like  my  own, 
Because  of  the  fasts  I  keep, 
O  God  !  that  bread  should  be  so  dear, 
And  flesh  and  blood  so  cheap ! 

<<  *  Work — work — work  ! 

My   labour  never  flags  ; 
And  what  are  its  wages  ?      A  bed  of  straw, 
A  crust  of  bread,  and  rags. 

That  shattered  roof — and  this  naked  floor- 
A  table — a  broken  chair; 
And  a  wall  so  blank,  my  shadow  I  thank 
For  sometimes  falling  there  ! 

**  *  Work — work — work  ! 

From  weary  chime  to  chime. 
Work — work — work, 

As  prisoners  work  for  crime ! 

Band,  and  gusset,  and  seam, 
Seam,  and  gusset,  and  band. 
Till  the  heart  is  sick,  and  the  brain  benumbed, 
As  well  as  the  weary  hand. 

<<  *  Work — work — work  ! 

In  the  dull  December  light, 
And  work — work — work, 

When  the  weather  is  warm  and  bright- 
While  underneath  the  eaves 
The  brooding  swallows  cling, 
As  if  to  show  me  their  sunny  backs, 
And  twit  me  with  the  spring. 

**«Oh,  but  to  breathe  the  breath  / 

Of  the  cowslip  and  primrose  sweet — 
With  the  sky  above  my  head. 

And  the  grass  beneath  my  feet ; 
224 


Appendix 


For  only  one  short  hour 
To  feel  as  I  used  to  feel, 
Before  1  knew  the  woes  of  want 

And  the  walk  that  costs  a  meal  ! 

*<<Oh,  but  for  one  short  hour! 
A  respite  however  brief! 
No  blessed  leisure  for  love  or  hope, 
But  only  time  for  grief! 

A  little  weeping  would  ease  my   heart, 
But  in  th 'ir  briny  bed 
My   tears  must  stop,  for  every  drop 
Hinders  needle  and  thread!' 

<*With  fingers  weary  and  worn, 
With  eyelids  heavy  and  red, 
A  woman  sat,  in  unwomanly  rags. 
Plying  her  needle  and  thread — 

Stitch — stitch — stitch  ! 
In  poverty,  hunger,  and  dirt ; 
And  still  with  a  voice  of  dolorous  pitch, — 
Would  that  its  tone  could  reach  the  rich ! — 
She  sang  this  *  Song  of  the  Shirt  ! '  " 

"The  Cry  of  the  Children"  reminds  us  of  Dr.  Charles  Mackay's 
noble  plea  for  the  children  of  the  poor,  which  did  much  for  the  help- 
less ones  during  this  period  of  unrest  and  growth.  In  regard  to  this 
production  Mackay  gave  the  following  interesting  facts: 

*'Soon  after  the  appearance  of  this  poem,  H.  R.  H.  Prince  Albert 
deputed  her  Majesty's  physician,  the  late  Sir  James  Clark,  to  call  upon 
the  Author,  and  request  his  permission  to  reprint  it  for  cheap  and 
gratuitous  circulation  among  the  people,  in  aid  of  the  great  cause  of 
the  education  of  the  poor  children  of  the  multitude — which  did  not 
receive  the  sanction  of  Parliament  until  more  than  twenty  years  after- 
wards. The  permission  was  cheerfully  and  thankfully  granted;  and 
by  the  warm  and  intelligent  efforts  of  Sir  James  Clark,  and  the  assist- 
ance and  sympathy  of  the  Prince,  20,000  copies  were  circulated  all 
over  the  country  in  a  cheap  form. 

"A  copy  of  this  poem  was  sent  anonymously  to  George  Combe, 
the  eminent  philanthropist,  and  author  of  'The  Constitution  of  Man.' 

15  225 


Appendix 


He  at  once  recognized  the  writer,  and  wrote  next  day,  saying,  '  I  have 
received  "The  Souls  of  the  Children,''  a  poem  which,  I  think,  could 
come  from  no  pen  but  yours.  It  breathes  your  sweet  versification  and 
beautiful,  tender,  yet  philosophical  spirit,  and  I  thank  you  for  it  sin- 
cerely. It  came  under  a  blank  cover  j  and  if  you  did  not  write  it, 
I  thank  God  that  England  has  another  poet  like  you.'  " 


^*THE     SOULS     OF     THE     CHILDREN 

<<  *Who  bids  for  the  little  children, — 
Body,  and  soul,  and  brain  ? 
Who  bids  for  the  little  children, — 

Young,  and  without  a  stain? 
Will  no  one  bid,'  said  England, 

<  For  their  souls  so  pure  and  white. 
And  fit  for  all  good  or  evil. 

The  world  on  their  page  may  write.-'* 

*<  <  We  bid,'  said   Pest  and  Famine, 
'  We  bid  for  life  and  hmb  j 
Fever  and  pain  and  squalor 

Their  bright  young  eyes  shall  dim. 
When  the  children  grow  too  many. 
We'll   nurse  them  as  our  own. 
And  hide  them  in  secret  places, 

Where  none  may  hear  their  moan.' 

"  *  I  bid,'  said  Beggary,  howling, 

*I  bid  for  them,  one  and  all! 
I'll  teach  them   a  thousand  lessons — 

To  lie,  to  skulk,  to  crawl ! 
They  shall  sleep  in  my  lair,  like  maggots, 

They  shall  rot  in  the  fair  sunshine  j 
And  if  they  serve   my   purpose, 
I  hope  they'll  answer  thine.' 

"  <  And  I'll  bid  higher  and  higher,' 
Said  Crime,  with  wolfish  grin, 
*  For  I  love  to  lead  the  children 

Through  the  pleasant  paths  of  sin. 
226 


Appendix 

They  shall  swarm  in  the  streets  to  pilfer. 
They  shall  plague  the  broad  highway, 

Till  they  grow  too  old  for  pity. 
And  ripe  for  the  law  to  slay. 

<<  <  Prison  and  hulk  and  gallows 

Are  many  in  the  land, 
'Twere  folly  not  to  use  them, 

So  proudly  as  they   stand. 
Give  nie  the  Httle  children — 

I'll  take  them   as  they're  born, 
And  feed  their  evil  passions 

With  misery  and  scorn. 

<<<Give  me  the  little  children. 

Ye  good,  ye  rich,  ye  wise, 
And  let  the  busy  world  spin  round, 

While  ye  shut  your  idle  eyes  j 
And  your  judges  shall  have  work, 

And  your  lawyers  wag  the  tongue, 
And  the  gaolers  and  policemen 

Shall  be  fathers  to  the  young. 

"  <I  and  the  Law,  for  pastime, 

Shall  struggle  day  and  night ; 
And  the   Law  shall  gain,  but  I  shall  win. 

And  we  '11  still  renew  the  fight : 
And  ever  and  aye  we'll  wrestle, 

Till  Law  grow  sick  and  sad. 
And  kill,  in  its  desperation. 

The  incorrigibly  bad. 

"  <  I,  and  the  Law,  and  Justice, 

Shall  thwart  each  other  still; 
And  hearts  shall  break  to  see  it ; — 

And  innocent  blood  shall  spill! 
So  leave — oh,  leave  the  children 

To  Ignorance  and   Woe — 
And  I'll  come  in  and  teach  them 
The  way  that  they  should  go.' 
227 


Appendix 


*<  *  Oh,  shame  ! '   said  true  Religion, 

*  Oh,  shame  that  this  should  be! 
/  7/  take  the  little  children, 

I  '11  take  them  all  to   me  : 
I  '11  raise  them  up  with   kindness 

From  the  mire  in  which   they're  trodj 
I'll  teach  them   words   of  blessing, 

I  '11  lead  them  up  to  God.' 

*<<You're  not  the  true  R-eligion,' 

Said  a  Sect,  with  flashing  eyes; 

*  Nor  thou,'  said  another  scowling, 

'Thou'rt  heresy  and  lies.' 

*  You  shall  not  have  the  children,' 

Said  a  third,  with  shout  and  yell ; 
<  You  're  Antichrist  and  bigot — 

You'd  train  them  up  for  hell.' 

<*And  England,  sorely  puzzled 
To  see  such  battle  strong. 
Exclaimed,  with  voice  of  pity, 

*  Oh,  friends,  you   do  me  wrong! 
Oh,  cease   your  bitter  wrangling; 

For,  till  you  all  agree, 
I  fear  the  little  children 

Will  plague  both  you  and  me.* 

"But  all  refused  to  listen; 

Quoth  they — 'We  bide  our  time'; 
And  the  bidders  seized  the  children — 

Beggary,  Filth,   and  Crime  ; 
And  the  prisons  teemed  with  victims. 

And  the  gallows  rocked  on  high ; 
And  the  thick  abomination 

Spread  reeking  to  the  sky." 

I  give  now  a  group  of  poems  written  by  Charles  Mackay  to  further 
the  cause  of  the  Anti-Corn-Law  League.  They  are  taken  from  his 
volume  entitled  "Voices  From  the  Crowd."  At  the  time  they  were 
written,  says  Dr.  Mackay,  "  The  Corn  Laws  were  unrepealed.    .   .   . 

228 


Appendix 

Many  of  them  were  intended  to  aid — as  far  as  verses  could  aid — the 
eflorts  of  the  zealous  and  able  men  who  were  endeavouring  to  create  a 
public  opinion  in  favour  of  untaxed  food,  and  of  free  trade  and  free 
intercourse  among  the  nations.  They  were  written  as  plainly  as  pos- 
sible, that  they  might  express  the  general  sentiment  of  the  toiling 
classes  in  phraseology  broad,  simple,  and  intelligible  as  the  occasion." 
The  poems  are  as  follow : 


FREEDOM 


"  We  want  no  flag,  no  flaunting  rag, 

For  Liberty  to  fight ; 
We  want  no  blaze  of  murderous  guns. 

To  struggle  for  the  right. 
Our  spears  and  swords  are  printed  words, 

The  mind  our  battle-plain  } 
We've  won  such  victories  before, 

And  so  we  shall  again. 


«*  We  love  no  triumphs  sprung  of  force — 

They  stain  her  briglitest  cause  : 
'Tis  not  in  blood  that  Liberty 

Inscribes  her  civil  laws. 
She  writes  them   on  the  people's  heart 

In  language  clear  and   plain  j 
True  thoughts  have  moved  the  world  before. 

And  so  they  shall  again. 


'*  We  yield  to  none  in  earnest  love 

Ot  Freedom's  cause  sublime  5 
We  join  the  cry,  <  Fraternity ! ' 

We  keep  the  march  of  Time. 
And  yet  we  grasp  nor  pike  nor  spear, 

Our  victories  to  obtain  ; 
We've  won  without  their  aid  before. 

And  so  we  shall  again. 


Appendix 


**We  want  no  aid  of  barricade 

To  show  a  front  to  Wrong; 
We  have  a  citadel  in  Truth 

More  durable  and  strong. 
Calm   words,  great  thoughts,  unflinching  faith 

Have  never  striven  in  vain  j 
They've  won  our  battles  many  a  time, 

And  so  they  shall  again. 


*<  Peace,  Progress,  Knowledge,  Brotherhood- 

The  ignorant  may  sneer, 
The  bad  deny  ;  but  we  rely 

To  see  their  triumph  near. 
No  widow's  groans  shall  load  our  cause, 

Nor  blood  of  brethren  stain  } 
We  've  won  without  such  aid  before. 

And  so  we  shall  again." 


THE     WANTS     OF     THE      PEOPLE 


*«  What  do  we  want?     Our  daily  bread; 

Leave  to  earn  it  by  our  skill ; 
Leave  to  labour  freely  for  it. 

Leave  to  buy  it  where  we  will  ; 
For  'tis  hard  upon  the  many — 

Hard,  unpitied  by  the  few, 
To  starve  and  die  for  want  of  work, 

Or  live  half-starved  with  work  to  do. 


«  What  do  we  want  ?      Our  daily  bread  ; 
Fair  reward  for  labour  done  ; 
Daily  bread  for  our  wives  and  children  ; 

All  our  wants  are  merged  in   one. 
When  the  fierce  fiend   Hunger  grips  us, 

Evil  fancies  clog  our  brains. 
Vengeance  settles  on  our  hearts. 

And  Frenzy  gallops  through  our  veins. 
230 


Appendix 


**What  do  we  want?      Our  daily  bread; 

Give  us  that ;  all   else  will  come — 
Self-respect  and   self-denial, 

And  the  happiness  of  home  ; 
Kindly  feelings,  education, 

Liberty  for  act  and  thought  ; 
And  surety  that,  wiiate'er  befall. 

Our  children  shall  be  fed  and  taught. 

<*  What  do  we  want  ?      Our  daily  bread  ; 

Give  us  that  for  willing  toil  ; 
Make  us  sharers  in  the  plenty 

God  has  shower' d  upon  the  soil  } 
And  we'll  nurse  our  better  natures 

With  bold  hearts  and  judgment  strong, 
To  do  as  much  as  men  can  do 

To  keep  the  world  from  going  wrong. 

"  What  do  we  want  ?     Our  daily  bread  ; 

And  trade  untrammelled  as  the  wind  j 
And  from  our  ranks  shall  spirits  start, 

To  aid  the  progress  of  mankind. 
Sages,  poets,  mechanicians. 

Mighty  thinkers  shall  arise. 
To  take  their  share  of  loftier  work, 

And  teach,  exalt,  and  civilize. 

**What  do  we  want?     Our  daily  bread; — 

Grant  it  ; — make  our  efforts  free  ; 
Let  us  work  and  prosper  ; 

You  shall   prosper  more  than  we  ; 
And  the  humblest  homes  of  England 

Shall  in  proper  time  give  birth 
To  better  men  than   we  have  been, 

To  live  upon  a  better  earth." 

On  one  occasion  Mr.  Mackay  took  Cowley's  question, 

*<  What  shall   I  do  to  be  forever  known, 
And  make  the  age  to  come  mine  own  ? " 
231 


Appendix 


and  answered  it  in  these  lines,  which  are  as  true  to-day  as  they  were 
when  written : 

"What  thou  shah  do  to  be  forever  known? 

Poet  or  statesman — look  with  steadfast  gaze, 

And  see  yon  giant  Shadow  'mid  the  haze, 
Far  off,  but  coming.      Listen  to  the  moan 
That  sinks  and  swells  in  fitful  under-tone. 

And  lend  it  words,  and  give  the  shadow  form  ; — . 
And  see  the  Light,  now  pale  and  dimly  shown, 

That  yet  shall  beam  resplendent  after  storm. 
Preach  thou  their  coming,  if  thy  soul  aspire 

To  be  the  foremost  in  the  ranks  of  fame ; — 
Prepare  the  way,  with  hand  that  will  not  tire, 

And  tongue  unfaltering,  and  o'er  earth  proclaim 
The  Shadow,  the  roused  multitude  j — the  Cry, 
*  Justice  for  all!" — the  Light,  true  liberty."" 


Here  are  three  poems,  entitled  <'The  Three  Preachers,"  «*The 
Voice  of  the  Time"  and  <*Now,"  that  were  very  popular  during  the 
stirring  years  of  the  'forties  of  the  last  century.  They  contain  in 
simple  lines  much  thought  that  should  to-day  be  pressed  home  on  the 
consciousness  of  all  earnest  and  conscientious  men  and  women.  It 
may  be  said  that  the  sentiments  expressed  are  mere  truisms,  but,  if  so, 
they  are  now  receiving  only  an  intellectual  assent.  They  are  not  lay- 
ing upon  the  conscience  and  upon  the  will  of  our  age  that  vital  touch 
which  causes  men  to  express  in  word,  in  life,  and  in  act  that  which 
has  previously  won  their  intellectual  fealty.      The  poems: 

"the    three    preachers 

«<  There  are  three  preachers,  ever  preaching, 
Fiird  with  eloquence  and  power: — 
One  is  old  with  locks  of  white. 
Skinny  as  an  anchorite  ; 

And  he  preaches  every  hour 
With  a  shrill  fanatic  voice, 
23a 


Appendix 

And  a  bigot's  fiery  scorn: — 
*  Backward!  ye  presumptuous  nations 5 
Man  to  misery  is  born  ! 
Born  to  drudge,  and  sweat,  and  suffer — 

Born  to  labour  and  to  pray  j 
Backivard!  ye  presumptuous  nations — 
j^ack  ! — be  humble  and  obey  ! ' 

«<The  second  is  a  milder  preacher  5 

Soft  he  talks  as  if  he  sung; 
Sleek  and  slothful  is  his  look, 
And  his  words,  as  from  a  book, 

Issue  glibly  from   his  tongue. 
With  an  air  of  self-content. 

High  he  lifts  his  fair  white  hands  : — 
<  Stand  ye  still!  ye  restless  nations; 

And  be  happy,  all  ye  lands  ! 
Fate  is  law,  and  law  Is  perfect; 

If  ye  meddle,  ye  will   m.ar; 
Change  is  rash,  and  ever  was  so ; 

We  are  happy  as  we  are.' 

«<  Mightier  is  the  younger  preacher, 
Genius  flashes  from   his  eyes  ; 
And  the  crowds   who  hear  his  voice, 
Give  him,  while  their  souls  rejoice, 

Throbbing  bosoms  for  replies. 
Awed  they  listen,  yet  elated, 

While  his  stirring  accents  fall: — 
^Forward!  ye  deluded  nations, 
Progress  is  the   rule  of  ail  ; 
Man  was  made  for  healthful  effort ; 
Tyranny  has  crushed  him   long; 
He  shall   march  from  good  to  better, 
And  do  battle  with  the  wrong. 

««  '  Standing  still  is   childish  folly. 

Going  backward  is  a  crime  ; 
None  should  patiently   endure 
Any   ill  that  he  can  cure  ; 

Onnjoardl  keep  the   march   of  Time. 

^33 


Appendix 


Onward !   while  a  wrong  remains 

To  be  conquered  by  the  right  j 
While  Oppression  lifts  a  finger 

To  affront  us  by  his  might  j 
While  an  error  clouds  the  reason 

Of  the  universal  heart, 
Or  a  slave  awaits  his  freedom, 

Action  is  the  wise  man's   part. 

«  <  Lo  !  the  world  is  rich  in  blessings  ; 

Earth  and  Ocean,  flame  and  wind, 
Have  unnumbered  secrets  still. 
To  be  ransacked  when  you  will. 

For  the  service  of  mankind ; 
Science  is  a  child  as  yet, 

And  her  power  and  scope  shall  grow, 
And  her  triumphs  in  the  future 

Shall  diminish  toil  and  wocj 
Shall  extend  the  bounds  of  pleasure 

With  an  ever-widening  ken. 
And  of  woods  and  wildernesses 

Make  the  happy  homes  of  men.'  " 


VOICE     OF     THE     TIME 


**Day  unto  day  utters  speech — 

Be  wise,  O   ye  nations  !  and  hear 
What  yesterday  telleth  to-day. 
What  to-day  to  the  morrow  will   preach. 
A  change  cometh   over  our  sphere. 

And  the  old  goeth  down  to  decay. 
A  new  light  hath  dawned  on  the  darkness  of  yore, 
And  men  shall  be  slaves  and  oppressors  no  more. 


f<Hark  to  the  throbbing  of  thought. 

In  the  breast  of  the  wakening  world  ; — 
Over  land,  over  sea,  it  hath  come. 
The  serf  that  was  yesterday  bought, 
234 


Appendix 


To-day  his  defiance  hath  hurled, 
No  more  in  his  slavery  dumb  ; 
And  to-morrow  will  break  from  the  fetters  that  bind, 
And  lift  a  bold  arm  for  the  rights  of  mankind. 

"Hark  to  the  voice  of  the  time! 

The  multitude  think  for  themselves, 

And  weigh  their  condition,  each  one. 
The  drudge  has  a  spirit  sublime, 

And  whether  he  hammers  or  delves. 
He  reads  when   his  labour  is  done  ; 
And  learns,  though  he  groans  under  penury's  ban. 
That  freedom  to  think  is  the  birthright  of  man. 


(( 


But  yesterday  thought  was  confined  j 
To  breathe  it  was  peril  or  death. 

And  it  sank  in  the  breast  where  it  rose; — 
Now,  free  as  the  midsummer  wind. 
It  sports  its  adventurous  breath. 

And  round  the  wide  universe  goes; 
The  mist  and  the  cloud  from  its  pathway  are  curled. 
And  glimpses  of  glory  illumine  the  world. 

<«The  voice  of  opinion  has  grown; 

'T  was  yesterday  changeful  and  weak, 

Like  the  voice  of  a  boy  ere  his  prime ; 
To-day  it  has  taken  the  tone 

Of  an  orator  worthy  to  speak. 

Who  knows  the  demands  of  the  time; 
And  to-morrow  'twill  sound  in  Oppression's  cold  ear 
Like  the  trump  of  the  seraph  to  startle  our  sphere. 

<<Be  wise,  O  ye  rulers  of  earth  ! 

And  shut  not  your  ears  to  the  voice. 
Nor  allow  it  to  warn  you  in   vain  ; 
True  freedom,  of  yesterday's  birth. 

Will  march  on  its  way  and  rejoice. 
And  never  be  conquered  again. 
The  day  has  a  tongue — ay,  the  hours  utter  speech — 
Wise,  wise  will  ye  be,  if  ye  learn  what  they  teach  !" 

*55 


Appendix 


"  NOW 

**  The  venerable  Past  is  past  j 

'Tis  dark,  and  shines  not  in  the  ray; 
■"T  was  good,  no  doubt — 'tis  gone  at  last — 

There  dawns  another  day. 
Why  should  we  sit  where  ivies  creep. 
And  shroud  ourselves  in  charnels  deep  ; 
Or  the  world's  Yesterdays  deplore, 
'Mid  crumbling  ruins,  mossy,  hoar? 
Why  should  we  see  with  dead  men's  eyes, 

Looking  at  \Vas  from   morn  to  night. 
When  the  beauteous  Now,  the  divine  To  Be, 

Woo  with  their  charms  our  living  sight  ? 
Why  should  we  hear  but  echoes  dull. 
When  the  world  of  sound  so  beautiful. 

Will  give  us  music  of  our  own  ? 
Why  in  darkness  will  we  grope. 
When  the  sun,  in  heaven's  resplendent  cope, 

Shines  as  bright  as  ever  it  shone  ? 

"Abraham  saw  no  brighter  stars 

Than  those  which  burn  for  thee  and  me. 
When   Homer  heard  the  lark's  sweet  song, 

Or  night-bird's  lovelier  melody, 
They  were  such  sounds  as  Shakespeare  heard, 
Or  Chaucer,  when  he  blessed  the  i)ird  ; 
Such  lovely  sounds  as  we  can  hear  ; — 
Great   Plato  saw  the  vernal  year 
Send  forth  its  tender  flowers  and   shoots, 
And  luscious  autumn  pour  its  fruits  ; 
And  we  can  see  the  lilies  blow, 
The  corn-fields  wave,  the  rivers  flow  : 
For  us  all  bounties  of  the  earth, 
For  us  its  wisdom,  love,  and  mirth, 
If  we  daily  walk  in  the  sight  of  God, 
And  prize  the  gifts  He  has  bestowed. 

"We  will  not  dwell  amid  the  graves. 
Nor  in  dim  twilights  sit  alone, 
236 


Appendix 


To  gaze  at  mouldered  architraves, 

Or  plinths  and  columns  overthrown  ; 
We  will  not  only  see  the  light 

Through  painted  windows,  cohwebbed  o'er, 
Nor  know  the  beauty  of  the  night, 

Save  by  the  moonbeam  on  the  floor: 
But  in  the  presence  of  the  sun, 

Or  moon,  or  stars,  our  hearts  shall  glow  j 
We  '11   look  at  nature  face  to  face, 

And  we  shall  lo^ue  because  we  kno^xv. 
The  present  needs  us.      Every  age 
Bequeaths  the  next,  for  heritage. 
No  lazy  luxury  or  delight. 
But  strenuous  labour  for  the  right  ; 
For  Now,  the  child  and  sire  of  Time, 

Demands  the  deeds  of  earnest  men, 
To  make  it  better  than  the  Past, 

And  stretch  the  circle  of  its  ken." 


The  general  unrest  of  the  period  was  well  set  forth  in  "  The  Fer- 
mentation," some  stanzas  of  which  are  given  below.  The  poet,  as 
will  be  seen,  hears  above  all  other  sounds  the  articulate  voice  of  the 
people  crying,  "Give  us  Justice  !  we  are  men  !"  In  this  he  spoke 
wisely.  The  specter  of  the  starving  multitude  demanding  justice 
was  soon  to  overshadow  all  other  issues.      Here  are  the  stanzas : 


FERMENTATION 


"Lonely  sitting,  deeply  musing. 

On  a  still  and  starry  night. 
Full  of  fancies,  when  my  glances 
Turned  upon  those  far  romances 

Scattered  o'er  the  Infinite} 
On  a  sudden,  broke  upon  me 

Murmurs,  rumours,  quick  and  loud, 
And,  half-waking,  I   discovered 

An  innumerable  crowd. 
237 


Appendix 


"'Mid  the  uproar  of  their  voices 

Scarcely  could  I   hear  a  word  ; 

There  was  rushing,  there  was  crushing, 

And  a  sound  like  music  gushing, 

And  a  roar  like  forests  stirred 

By  a  fierce  wind  passing  o'er  them  j — 

And  a  voice  came  now  and  then, 
Louder  than  them  all,  exclaiming, 
'Give  us  Justice!   we  are  men!' 

"And  the  longer  that  I  listened. 

More  distinctly  could  I  hear, 
'Mid  the  poising  of  the  voicing. 
Sounds  of  sorrow  and  rejoicing. 

Utterance  of  Hope  and  Fear  ; 
And  a  clash  of  disputation, 

And  of  words  at  random  cast — 
Truths  and  Errors  intermingling, 

Of  the  present  and  the  past. 

«*Some  were  shouting  that   Oppression 

Held  their  consciences  in  thrall  j 
Some  were  crying,  <  Men  are  dying, 
Hunger-smit,  and  none  supplying 

Bread,  the  birthright  of  us  all.' 
Some  exclaimed  that   Wealth  was  haughty, 

Harsh  and  callous  to  the  poor ; — 
Others  cried,  the  poor  were  vicious, 

Idle,  thankless,  insecure. 


**  *  Give  us  freedom  for  the  conscience!' 

'Equal  rights  !' — 'Unfettered  Mind  !' 
*  Education  !' — 'Compensation  !' 
'Justice  for  a  mighty  nation  !' 

'Progress!' — 'Peace  for  all  mankind 
*Let  us  labour!' — 'Give  us  churches  !' 
'Give  us  Corn  where'er  it  grow!' 
These,  and  other  cries  around  me 
Surged  incessant,  loud  or  low. 
238 


Appendix 

"Old  opinlon-s  jarred  with  new  onesj 
New  ones  jostled  with  the  old  j 
In  such  Babel,  few  were  able 
To  distinguish  truth  from  fable, 

In  the  tale  their  neighbours  told. 
But  one  voice  above  all  others 

Sounded  like  the  voice  of  ten, 
Clear,  sonorous,  and  persuasive  : — 
*  Give  us  Justice  !    we  are  men  ! ' 

"  And  I  said,  <  Oh  Sovereign  Reason, 

Sire  of  Peace  and  Liberty  ! 
Aid  forever  their  endeavour  ; — • 
Boldly  let  them   still  assever 

All  the  rights  they  claim  in  thee. 
Aid  the  mighty  Fermentation 

Till  it  purifies  at  last. 
And  the  Future  of  the  people 

Is  made  brighter  than  the  Past.'" 

In  the  'forties  of  the  last  century  people  had  not  yet  ceased  to  won- 
der at  the  marvels  of  the  railway  and  of  the  telegraph.  The  new 
world  that  science  and  invention  have  given  to  our  age  was  then  but 
dawning  on  the  wondering  eyes  of  man.  And  even  then  some  dilet- 
tante writers  were  crying  out  against  those  who  thought  that  utility 
had  aught  in  common  with  art, — even  then  some  were  worried  lest  the 
railway  should  stir  the  poetic  impulses  of  writers.  To  these  fearful 
ones  Mr.  Mackay  addressed  the  following  lines: 

"the    railways 

"  *  No  POETRY  in  Railways'!  foolish  thought 
Of  a  dull  brain,  to  no  fine  music  wrought. 
By  mammon  dazzled,  though  the  people  prize 
The  gold  alone,  yet  shall  we  not  despise 
The  triumphs  of  our  time,  or  fail  to  see 
Of  pregnant  mind  the  fruitful  progeny 
Ushering  the  daylight  of  the  world's  new  morn. 

^39 


Appendix 


Look  up,  ye  doubters,  be  no  more  forlorn  ! — 

Smooth  your  rough  brows,  ye  little  wise  ;  rejoice, 

Ye  who  despond  j  and  with  exulting  voice 

Salute,  ye  earnest  spirits  of  our  time, 

The  young  Improvement  ripening  to  her  prime, 

Who,  in  the  fulness  of  her  genial  youth. 

Prepares  the  way  for  Liberty  and   Truth, 

And  breaks  the  barriers  that,  since  earth  began, 

Have  made  mankind  the  enemy  of  man. 

'*Lay  down  your  rails,  ye  nations,  near  and  far — 
Yoke  your  full  trains  to  Steam's  triumphal  car  j 
Link  town  to  town  ;  unite  in  iron  bands 
The  long-estranged  and  oft-embattled  lands. 
Peace,  mild-eyed  seraph — Knowledge,  light  divine — 
Shall  send  their  messengers  by  every  line. 
Men,  joined  in  amity,  shall  wonder  long 
That  Hate  had  power  to  lead  their  fathers  wrong  j 
Or  that  false  Glory  lured  their  hearts  astray, 
And  made  it  virtuous  and  sublime  to  slay. 

"  Blessings  on  Science  !     When  the  earth  seemed  old, 
When  Faith  grew  doting,  and  the  Reason  cold, 
'Twas  she  discovered  that  the  world  was  young, 
And  taught  a  language  to  its  lisping  tongue  j 
'T  was  she  disclosed  a  future  to  its  view. 
And  made  old  knowledge  pale  before  the  new. 

*'  Blessings  on   Science  1     In  her  dawning  hour 
Faith  knit  her  brow,  alarmed  for  ancient  power  ; 
Then  looked  again  upon  her  face  sincere. 
Held  out  her  hand,  and  hailed  her — Sister  dear  ; 
And  Reason,  free  as  eagle  on  the  wind. 
Swooped  o'er  the  fallow  meadows  of  the  mind. 
And,  clear  of  vision,  saw  what  seed  would  grow 
On  the  hill-slopes,  or  in  the  vales  below  ; 
What  in  the  sunny  South,  or  nipping  Nord, 
And  from  her  talons  dropped  it  as  she  soared. 

**  Blessings  on  Science,  and  her  handmaid  Steam  ! 
They  make  Utopia  only  half  a  dream." 
24.0 


Appendix 


I  close  the  selections  from  Dr.  Mackay's  reform  verse  with  four 
poems  that  I  regard  as  among  his  best.  **  Eternal  Justice"  is  especi- 
ally noble,  and  richly  deserves  to  live  in  our  literature.  The 
poems  are  : 

"the    watcher    on    the    tower 


What  dost  thou  see,  lone  watcher  on  the  tower  ? 
Is  the  day  breaking  ?     Comes  the  wished-for  hour  ? 
Tell   us  the  signs,  and  stretch  abroad  thy  hand 
If  the  bright  morning  dawns  upon   the   land.' 


*«*The  stars  are  clear  above  me,  scarcely   one 
Has  dimmed  its  rays  in  reverence  to  the  sun  j 
But  yet  I  see,  on  the  horizon's  verge, 
Some  fair,  faint  streaks,  as  if  the  light  would  surge.' 


«<<Look  forth  again,  O   watcher  on  the  tower — 
The  people  wake,  and  languish  for  the  hour  j 
Long  have  they  dwelt  in  darkness,  and  they  pine 
For  the  full   daylight  which  they  know  must  shine.' 

**«I  see  not  well — the  morn  is  cloudy   stiil. — 
There  is  a  radiance  on  the  distant   hill ; 
Even  as  I  watch,  the  glory  seems  to  grow  ; 
But  the  stars  blink,  and  the  night  breezes  blow.' 

«<*And  is  that  all,  O   watcher  on  the  tower? 
Look  forth  again  ;  it  must  he  near  the  hour. 
Dost  thou  not   see  the  snowy  mountain-copes. 
And  the  green  woods  beneath  them   on  the  slopes?' 

«  *A   mist  envelopes  them  j   I   cannot  trace 

Their  outline }  but  the  day  comes  on  apace. 

The  clouds  roll  up  in  gold  and  amber  flakes, 

And  all  the  stars  grow  dim.      The  morning  breaks.' 

6  241 


Appendix 


**  *  Again — again — O  watcher  on  the  tower  ! 

We  thirst  for  daylight,  and  we  bide  the  hour. 

Patient,  but  longing.      lell  us,  shall  it  be 

A  bright,  calm,  glorious  daylight  for  the  free  ? ' 

«*<I  hope,  but  cannot  tell.      I  hear  a  song. 
Vivid  as  day  itself,  and  clear  and  strong. 
As  of  a  lark — young  prophet  of  the  noon — 
Pouring  in  sunlight  his  seraphic  tune.' 

«  *  What  doth  he  say,    O   watcher  on  the  tower  ? 
Is  he  a  prophet }     Doth  the  dawning  hour 
Inspire  his  music  ?     Is  his  chant  sublime, 
Filled  with  the  glories  of  the  Future  time.?' 

***He  prophecies; — his  heart  is  full; — his  lay 
Tells  of  the  brightness  of  a  peaceful  day  ; 
A  day  not  cloudless,  nor  devoid  of  storm, 
But  sunny  for  the  most,  and  clear  and  warm.' 

««<We  thank  thee,  watcher  on  the  lonely  tower, 
For  all  thou  tellest.      Sings  he  of  an  hour 
When  Error  shall  decay,  and  Truth  grow  strong, 
And  Right  shall  rule  supreme  and  vanquish  Wrong?' 

"  <  He  sings  of  brotherhood,  and  joy,  and  peace. 
Of  days  when  jealousies  and  hate  shall  cease ; 
When  war  shall  die,  and  man's  progressive  mind 
Soar  as  unfettered  as  its   God  designed.' 

*«<Well  done!  thou  watcher  on  the  lonely  tower! 
Is  the  day  breaking  ?     Dawns  the  happy  hour  ? 
We  pine  to  see  it: — tell  us,  yet  again, 
If  the  broad  dayhght  breaks  upon  the  plain.?' 

"  *  It  breaks — it  comes — the  misty   shadows  fly  j — 
A  rosy  radiance  gleams  upon  the  sky  ; 
The  mountain-tops  reflect  it  calm  and  clear  j 
The  plain  is  yet  in  shade,  but  day  is  near.'  '* 

242 


Appendix 


THE     WAY 

«*  Men   of  thought  !  be  up  and  stirring. 

Night  and  day  5 
Sow  the  seed — withdraw  the   curtain — 

Clear  the  way  ! 
Men  of  action,  aid  and  cheer  them, 

As  ye  may  ! 
There  's  a  fount  about  to  stream. 
There's  a  light  about  to  beam. 
There  's  a  warmth  about  to  glow, 
There's  a  flower  about  to  blowj 
There's  a  midnight  blackness  changing 

Into  grey  ; 
Men  of  thought  and  men  of  action. 

Clear  the  nvay ! 

«*Once  the  welcome  light  has  broken, 

Who  shall  say 
What  the  unimagined  glories 

Of  the  day  ? 
What  the  evils  that  shall   perish 

In  its  ray  ? 
Aid  the  dawning,  tongue  and  pen  j 
Aid  it,  hopes  of  honest  men  ; 
Aid  it,  paper — aid  it,  type — 
Aid  it,  for  the  hour  is  ripe. 
And  our  earnest  must  not  slacken 

Into  play. 
Men  of  thought  and  men  of  action, 
Clear  the  'way! 

«<Lo!  a  cloud's  about  to  vanish 

From  the  day; 
And  the  brazen  wrong  to  crumble 

Into  clay. 
Lo  !  the  right  's  about  to   conquer, 

Clear  the  nvay! 
With  the   Right  shall  many  more 

243 


Appendix 


Enter  smiling  at  the  doorj 
With  the  giant  Wrong  shall  fall 
Many  others,  great  and  small, 
That  for  ages  long  have  held  us 

For  their  prey. 
Men  of  thought  and  men  of  o^ction, 

Clear  the  njuay ! 


**There's  a  good  time  coming,  boys, 

A  good  time  coming; 
We  may  not  live  to  see  the  day. 
But  earth  shall  glisten  in  the  ray 

Of  the  good  time  coming. 
Cannon-balls  may  aid  the  truth. 

But  thought's  a  weapon   stronger j 
We'll  win  our  battle  by  its  aid} — 

Wait  a  little  longer. 

"There's  a  good  time  coming,  boys, 

A  good  time  coming  ; 
The  pen  shall  supersede  the  sword, 
And  Right,  not   Might,  shall  be  the  lord 

In  the  good  time  coming. 
Worth,  not  Birth,  shall  rule  mankind. 

And  be  acknowledged  stronger  ; 
The  proper  impulse  has  been   given  } — 

Wait  a  little  longer. 

"There's  a  good  time  coming,  boys, 

A  good  time   coming  ; 
Hateful   rivalries  of  creed 
Shall  not  make  their  martyrs  bleed 

In  the  good  time  coming. 
Religion  shall  be  shorn  of  pride. 

And  flourish  all  the  stronger; 
And   Charity  shall  trim  her  lamp  ; — 

Wait  a  little  longer. 
244 


Appendix 


"There's  a  good  time  coming,  boys, 

A  good  time  coming  ; 
Little  children  shall  not  toil, 

In  the  good  time  coming  j 
But  shall  play  in  healthful   fields 

Till   limbs  and  mind  grow  stronger  j 
And  everyone  shall  read  and  write  j — 

Wait  a  little  longer. 

"There's  a  good  time  coming,  boys, 

A  good  time  coming ; 
The  })eople  shall  be  temperate, 
And  shall   love  instead  of  hate. 

In  the  good  time  coming. 
Thev  shall  use  and  not  abuse. 

And  make  all  virtue  stronger. 
The  reformation  has  begun; — 

Wait  a  little  longer. 

"There's  a  good  time  coming,  boys, 

A  good  time  coming  ; 
Let  us  aid  it  all  we  can. 
Every  woman,  every  man. 

The  good  time  coming. 
Smallest  helps,  if  rightly  given. 

Make  the  impulse  stronger; 
'T  will  be  strong  enough  one  day  ; — 

Wait  a  little  longer." 


''eternal    justice 


"The  man  is  thought  a  knave,  or  fool, 
Or  bigot,  plotting  crime, 
Who,  for  the  advancement  of  his  kind. 

Is  wiser  than   his  time. 
For  him  the  hemlock  shall  distil ; 

For  him  the  axe  be  bared  ; 
For  him  the  gibbet  shall  be  built  j 
For  him  the  stake  prepared. 
245 


Appendix 


Him  shall  the  scorn  and  wrath  of  men 

Pursue  with  deadly  aim  ; 
And  malice,  envy,  spite,  and  lies 

Shall  desecrate  his  name. 
But  Truth  shall  conquer  at  the  last. 

For  round  and  round  we  run  j 
And  ever  the  Right  comes  uppermost, 

And  ever  is  Justice  done. 

**  Pace  through  thy  cell,  old  Socrates, 

Cheerily  to  and  fro  ; 
Trust  to  the  impulse  of  thy  soul. 

And  let  the  poison  flow. 
They  may  shatter  to  earth  the  lamp  of  clay 

That  holds  a  light  divine, 
But  they  cannot  quench  the  fire  of  thought 

By  any  such  deadly  wine. 
They  cannot  blot  thy  spoken  words 

From  the  memory  of  man 
By  all  the  poison  ever  was  brewed 

Since  time  its  course  began. 
To-day  abhorred,  to-morrow  adored, 

For  round  and  round  we  run. 
And  ever  the  Truth  comes  uppermost. 

And  ever  is  Justice  done. 

<<Plod  in  thy  cave,  grey  anchorite  j 

Be  wiser  than  thy  peers  ; 
Augment  the  range  of  human  power. 

And  trust  to  coming  years. 
They  may  call  thee  wizard,  and  monk  accursed, 

And  load  thee  with  dispraise  ; 
Thou  wert  born   five  hundred  years  too  soon 

For  the  comfort  of  thy  days  ; 
But  not  too  soon  for  human  kind. 

Time  hath  reward  in  store ; 
And  the  demons  of  our  sires  become 

The  saints  that  we  adore. 
The  blind  can  see,  the  slave  is  lord, 

So  round  and  round  we  run  j 
And  ever  the  Wrong  is  proved  to  be  wrong, 

And  ever  is  Justice  done. 
246 


Appendix 


**Keep,  Galileo,  to  tliy  thought, 

And  nerve  thy  soul  to  bear ; 
They  may  gloat  o'er  the  senseless  words  they  wring 

From   the   pangs  of  thy   despair ; 
They  may  veil  their  eyes,  but  they  cannot  hide 

The  sun's  meridian  glow; 
The  heel  of  a  priest  may  tread  thee  down, 

And  a  tyrant  work  thee  woe  j 
But  never  a  truth  has  been   destroyed  j 

They  may  curse  it  and  call  it  crime  } 
Pervert  and  betray,  or  slander  and  slay, 

Its  teachers  for  a  time  5 
But  the  sunshine  aye  shall  hght  the  sky. 

As  round  and  round  we  run  j 
And  the  Truth  shall  ever  come  uppermost, 

And  Justice  shall  be  done. 

**  And  live  there  now  such  men  as  these — 

With  thoughts  like  the  great  of  old  ? 
Many  have  died  in  their  misery, 

And  left  their  thought  untold; 
And  many   live,  and  are  ranked  as  mad, 

And  are  placed  in  the  cold  world's  ban, 
For  sending  their  bright,  far-seeing  souls 

Three  centuries  in  the  van. 
They  toil  in  penury  and  gritf, 

Unknown,  if  not  maligned  ; 
Forlorn,  forlorn,  hearing  the  scorn 

Of  the  meanest  of  mankind  ! 
But  yet  the  world  goes  round  and  round, 

And  the  genial  seasons  run  ; 
And  ever  the  Truth  comes  uppermost. 

And  ever  is  Justice  done." 

We  come  now  to  the  poems  of  the  youngest  of  the  poet-agitators 
of  this  period,  in  my  judgment  the  greatest  of  them  all — Gerald  Mas- 
sey.  This  poet,  it  must  be  remembered,  was  a  Chartist  j  and  he 
belonged  to  the  revolutionary  faction.  He  had  suffered  terribly  from 
biting  poverty;  he  was  young;  he  had  imbibed  the  spirit  of  revolt 
that  was  then  everywhere  rampant. 

247 


Appendix 

In  the  following  poems  entitled  <*The  Earth  for  All,"  "The 
Lords  of  Land  and  Money,"  "A  Cry  of  the  Unemployed,"  and 
"Our  Fathers  are  Praying  for  Pauper-Pay,'""  the  rights  of  the  people 
and  their  just  contentions  are  boldly  touched  upon.  It  will  be 
observed  that  the  poet  insists  upon  the  right  of  all  to  the  enjoyment  of 
earth's  bounty.  The  great  contention  of  the  single-taxers  is  empha- 
sized by  Mr.  Massey,  who  held,  no  less  strenuously  than  do  the 
modern  reformers,  that  the  Creator  made  the  land  for  all  his  children 
instead  of  for  a  favored  few. 


*    THE     EARTH      FOR     ALL 

Thu8  saith  the  Lord:     You  weary  me 

With  prayers,  and  waste  your  own  short  years  j 
Eternal  Truth  you  cannot  see, 

Who  weep,  and  shed  your  sight  in  tears  ! 
In  vain  you  wait  and  watch  the  skies. 

No  better  fortune  thus  will  fall  ; 
Up  from  your  knees  I  bid  you  rise, 

And  claim  the  Earth  for  All. 

=  They  ate  up   Earth,  and   promised  you 

The  Heaven  of  an  empty  shell  ! 
'Twas  theirs  to  say  j  'twas  yours  to  do. 

On  pain  of  everlasting  Hell  ! 
They  rob  and  leave  you  helplessly 

For  help  of  Heaven  to  cry  and   call  j 
Heaven  did  not  make  your  misery, — 

The  Eartli   was  given  for  All  ! 


The  rich  man's  prostitute  and  slave  ! 
Your  Mother  Earth,  that  gave  you  birth, 

You  only  onvn  her  for  a  grave  ! 
And  will  you  die  like  Slaves,  and  see 

Your  Mother  left  a  fettered  thrall  ? 
Nay  !  live  like   Men  and  set  her  free 

As   Heritage  for  Ail." 
248 


Appendix 


But  the  lords  of  the  land  are  not  the  only  «< masters  of  the  bread''  : 
the  lords  of  money  also,  or  those  Vv'ho  enjoy  special  privileges  in  tlie 
medium  of  exchange,  hold  the  wealth-creators  in  their  iron  grip. 
Massey  presents  the  situation  thus: 


THE     LORDS     OF     LAND     AND     MONEY 

"Lift  up  your  faces  from  the  sod  ; 

Frown  with  each  furrowed  brow  j 
Gold  apes  a  mightier  power  than   God, 

And  wealth  is  worshipped  now  ! 
In  all  these  toil-ennobled  lands 

You  have  no  heritage  ; 
They  snatch  the  fruit  of  Youthful  hands. 

The  staff  from   weary  Age. 
O  tell  them  in  their  Palaces, 

These  Lords  of  Land  and  Money — 
They  shall  not  kill  the  Poor  like  Bees, 

To  rob  them  of  Life's  honey  ! 

**  Through  long,  dark  years  of  blood  and  tears. 

We've  toiled  like  branded   Slaves, 
Till  Wrong's  red  hand  hath  made  a  land 

Of  Paupers,  Prisons,  Graves  ! 
But  our  long-sufferance  endeth  now  ; 

Within  the  souls  of  men 
The  fruitful  buds  of  promise  blow, 

And  Frtedom  lives  again  ! 
O  tell  them  in  their  Palaces, 

These  Lords  of  Land  and  Money — 
They  shall  not  kill  the  Poor  like  Bees, 

To  rob  them  of  Life's  honey  ! 

"Too  long  have  Labour's  Nobles  knelt 
Before  factitious  '  Rank '  5 
Within  our  souls  the  iron  is  felt- — - 

In  tune  our  fetters  clank  ! 
A  glorious  voice  goes  throbbing  fortli 
From   millions  stirring  now, 
249 


Appendix 


Who  yet  before  these   Gods  of  Earth 
Shall  stand  with  lifted  brow, 

And  tell  them  in  their  Palaces, 

These  Lords  of  Land  and   Money — 

They  shall  not  kill  the  Poor  like  Bees, 
To  rob  them   of  Life's  honey  !" 


To  be  a  tenant  at  the  will  of  a  landlord,  or  a  wealth-creator  at 
the  whim  of  a  master  who  (no  matter  how  faithfully  you  may  serve 
him)  may  see  fit  to  turn  you  off  at  a  moment's  notice  if  you  vote 
against  what  he  deems  his  interest,  or  speak  your  convictions  and 
they  happen  to  run  counter  to  his,  is  hard  ;  because,  disguise  it  as  we 
may,  it  is  slavery.  But  there  are  even  more  tragic  phases  of  the 
question  than  that :  after  you  have  been  turned  from  home  or  employ- 
ment, come  the  bitter  days  known  only  to  the  <<  out-of-works." 
They  are  thus  graphically  described  by  Massey : 


"'Tis   HARD  to  be  a  wanderer  through  this  bright  world  of  ours, 
Beneath  a  sky  of  smiling  blue,  on  fragrant  paths  of  flowers  ; 
With  music    in    the    woods,   as    there    were    naught    but    pleasure 

known, 
Or  Angels  walked   Earth's  solitudes,  and  yet  with  want  to  groan  ; 
To  see  no  beauty  in  the  stars,  nor  in   Earth's  welcome  smile. 
To  wander  cursed  with   misery  !  willing,  but  cannot  toil. 
With  burning  sickness  at  my  heart,  I  sink  down  famished  : 
God  of  the  Wretched,    hear    my    prayer:    I    would    that    I    were 
dead  ! 

<*  Heaven    droppeth    down    with     manna    still    in     many    a    golden 

shower. 
And   feeds  the    leaves  with    fragrant    breath,   with    silver  dew    the 

flower. 
Honey  and  fruit  for    Bee    and   Bird,   with  bloom    laughs    out    the 

tree, 
And   food  for  all  God's  happy  things;  but  none  gives  food  to  me. 


Appendix 

Earth,  wearing  plenty  for  a  crown,  smiles  on  my  aching  eye. 
The  purse-proud, — swathed  in  luxury, — disdainful  pass  me  by  ; 
I've  willing  hands,  an   eager  heart — but  may  not  work  for  bread! 
God    of  the  Wretched,   hear   my  prayer :    I    would    that    I   were 
dead  ! 


"Gold,  art  thou  not  a  blessed  thing,  a  charm  above  all  other. 
To  shut   up    hearts    to    Nature's    cry,   when    brother    pleads    with 

brother  ? 
Hast  thou  a  music  sweeter  than  the  voice  of  loving-kindness  ? 
No!    curse   thee,  thou'rt    a    mist   'twixt    God    and   men   in   outer 

blindness. 
*  Fathery  come  backf  my  Children  cry  ;  their  voices,  once  so  sweet, 
Now  pierce  and  quiver  in  my  heart  !      I  cannot,  dare  not  meet 
The   looks    that   make  the    brain    go    mad,   for    dear   ones  asking 

bread — 
God   of  the  Wretched,  hear    my    prayer :    I    would    that    I   were 

dead  !  < 


"Lord  !  what  right  have  the  poor  to  wed?     Love's  for  the  gilded 

great : 
Are  they  not  formed   of  nobler  clay,  who  dine  off  golden   plate  ? 
'T  is  the  worst  curse  of  Poverty  to  have  a  feeling  heart : 
Why  can   I  not,  with  iron  grasp,  choke  out  the  tender  pari  ? 
I  cannot  slave  in  yon   Bastille!      I  think  'twere  bitterer  pain, 
To  wear  the  Pauper's  iron  within,  than  drag  the  Convict's  chain. 
I  'd  work  but  cannot,  starve  I   may,  but  will  not  beg  for   bread  : 
God  of  the  Wretched,  hear   my  prayer :    I    would    that    I    were 

dead  ! " 


There  are  scenes  so  tragic  that  the  heart  sickens  when  contem- 
plating them, — scenes  which  fill  the  noble  mind  of  the  poet  with 
nameless  horror,  and  make  it  cease  to  be  a  safe  and  sober  counselor ; 
and,  like  the  prophet  of  old,  the  aroused  singer  turns  in  wrath  upon 
the  slow-thinking  multitude  who  witness  the  old  man's  fruitless  prayer 
for  "  pauper-pay,"  the  slow  and  terrible  starvation  of  the  old  women, 
the  virtual  serfdom  of  the  young  men  who  create  the  bulk  of  the 
nation's  wealth,  and,  more  terrible  than  all,  the  enforced  and  revolting 

251 


Appendix 


prostitution  of  the  maidens.  It  is  with  this  supreme  tragedy  before 
his  eyes  that  we  find  Mr.  Massey  pouring  forth  words  tb.at  are  well 
calculated  to  startle  alike  the  well-fed  rich  and  the  slow-thinking  poor : 


PAUPER-PAY 


!  Smitten  stones  will  talk  with  fiery  tongues. 

And  the  worm,  when  trodden,  will  turn  j 
But,  Cowards,  ye  cringe  to  the  cruellest  wrongs. 

And  answer  with  never  a  spurn. 
Then  torture,  O  Tyrants,  the  spiritless  drove. 

Old   England's  Helots  will  bearj 
There  's  no  hell  in  their  hatred,  no  God  in  their  love. 

No  shame  in  their  deepest  despair. 
For  our  Fathers  are  praying  for  Pauper-pay, 

And  our  Mothers  with  Death's  kiss  are  white  j 
Our  Sons  are  the  rich  man's  Serfs  by  day. 

And  our  Daughters  his  Slaves  by  night. 


«*  The  Tearless  are  drunk  w^ith  our  tears  j  have  they  driven 

The  God  of  the  poor  man  mad  ? 
For  we  weary  of  waiting  the  help  of  Heaven, 

And  the  battle  goes  still  with  the  bad. 
O  but  death  for  death,  and  life  for  life, 

It  were  better  to  take  and  give, 
With  hand  to  throat,  and  with  knife  to  knife. 

Than   die  out  as  thousands  live  ! 
Our  Fathers  are  praying  for  Pauper-pay, 

And  our  Mothers  with  Death's  kiss  are  white  j 
Our  Sons  are  the  rich  man's  Serfs  by  day, 

And  our  Daughters  his  Slaves  by  night. 


**  Fearless  and  few  were  the   Heroes  of  old, 
Vv'^ho  played  the  peerless  part  ; 
We  are  fifty-fold,  but  the  gangrene   Gold 
Is  eating  out  England's  heart. 


Appendix 

With  their  faces  to  danger,  like   Freemen   they  fought. 

With  their  daring,  all  heart  and  hand  ; 
And  the  thunder-deed  followed  the  lightning-: hought, 


When  they  stood   for  their  own  good   lan( 


Our  Fathers  are  praying  for  Pauper-pay, 

And  our   Mothers  with  Death's  kiss  are  white  5 

Our  Sons  are  the  rich  man's  Serfs  by  day, 
And  our  Daughters  his  Slaves  by  night. 

"When  tlie  heart  of  one-half  the  world   doth   beat 

Akin  to  the  brave  and  the  true, 
And  the  tramp  of  Democracy's  earth-quaking  feet 

Goes  thrilling  the  wide  world  through, — 
We  should  not  be  crouching  in  darkness  and   dust. 

And  dying  like  slaves  in  the  night  ; 
But  big  with  the  might  of  the  inward   ^must^' 

We  should  battle  for  Freedom  and  Riglit  ! 
Our  Fathers  are  praying  for  Pauper-pay, 

And  our  Mothers  with   Death's  kiss  are  white; 
Our  Sons  are  the  rich  man's  Serfs  by  day, 

And  our  Daughters  his  Slaves  by  night. 

"What  do  we  lack,  that  the  Ruffian  Wrong 

Should   starve  us  'mid  heaps  of  gold  ? 
We  have  brains  as  broad,  we  have  arms  as  strong 

As  our  captors,  if  only  as  bold  ! 
Will  a  thousand  years  more  of  meek  suffering  school 

Your  lives  to  a  sterner  bravery  ? 
No  !  down  and  dov/n   with  their  Robber  Rule, 

And  up  from  the  land  of  slavery  ! 
Our  Fathers  are  praying  for  Pauper-pay, 

And  our  Mothers  with  Death's  kiss  are  white  j 
Our  Sons  are  the  rich  man's  Serfs  by  day, 

And  our  Daughters  his  Slaves  by  night." 

Given  monopoly  in  land^  monopoly  in  moncj/y  monopoly  in  the 
commodities  of  life^  and  the  phenomenon  of  the  unemployed,  what  is 
essentially  the  vassalage  of  the  toiler,  and  the  gradual  despoilment  and 
degradation  of  manhood  and  of  womanhood  become  inevitable.  In 
this    group    of   poems  we    find    the    cardinal    aspects  of   present-day 

253 


Appendix 


affairs,  no  less  than  the  wrongs  of  the  'forties  of  the  last  century, 
vividly  presented. 

Massey  is  not  content,  however,  with  merely  drawing  vivid  pictures. 
In  the  poem  <<  Anathema  Maranatha,"  he  passes  from  the  statement 
of  the  more  tragic  side  of  social  conditions  to  an  appeal  to  the  man- 
hood of  the  masses : 

**LovE  is  the  Crown  of  all  life,  but  ye  wear  it  not  } 
Freedom,  Humanity's  palm,  and  ye  bear  it  not  j 
Beauty  spreads  banquet  for  all,  but  ye  share  it  not ; 
Grimmer  the  blinding  veil  glooms,  and  ye  tear  it  not. 
Weaving  your  life-flowers  in   Wealth's  robe  of  glory, 
Ye  stint  in  your  starkness  with  youth  smitten   hoary  !" 

In  his  poem  **  Onward  and  Sunward,"  Massey  thus  exhorts  the 
people : 

**The  mightiest  souls  of  all  time  hover  o'er  us, 

Who  laboured  like  Gods  among  men,  and  have  gone 

With  great  bursts  of  sun  on  the  dark  way  before  us  j 
They're  with  us,  still  with  us,  our  battle  fight  on, 

Looking  down  victor-browed,  from  the  glory-crowned  hill, 

They  beckon  and  beacon  us  on,  onward  still  ; 

And  the  true  heart's  aspirings  are  onward,  still  onward; 

It  turns  to  the  Future,  as  earth  turneth   Sunward." 

Somewhat  the  same  note  of  exultant  brutality  as  in  Kipling's  "The 
Galley  Slave"  mingles  with  the  freedom-call  in  this  splendid — 

"song    of    the    red    republican 

*< Fling  out  the  red  Banner!    its  fiery  front  under, 

Come,  gather  ye,  gather  ye.  Champions  of  Right! 
And  roll  round  the  world,  with  the  voice  of  God's  thunder. 

The  Wrongs  we  've  to  reckon.  Oppressions  to  smite. 
They  deem  that  we  strike  no  more  like  the  old   Hero-band, 

Victory's  own  battle-hearted  and  brave: 
Once  more,  brothers  mine,   it   were    sweet   but  to  see  ye  stand. 

Triumph  or  Tomb  welcome.  Glory  or  Grave ! 

^54 


Appendix 


<< Fling  out  the  red   Banner!  in   mountain  and  valley- 
Let  Earth  feel  the  tread  of  the  Free  once  again  j 

Now  soldiers  of  Liberty  make  one  more  rally, 

Old  Earth  yearns  to  know  that  her  children  are  Men. 

We  are  nerved  by  a  thousand  wrongs,   burning  and   bleeding ; 
Bold  Thoughts  leap  to  birth,  but  the  bold  Deeds  must  come ; 

And  wherever  Humanity's  yearning  and  pleading, 
One  battle  for  Liberty  strike  we  heart-home. 


**  Fling  out  the  red  Banner,  O   Sons  of  the   morning  ! 

Young  spirits  awaiting  to  burst  into  wings, — 
We  stand  shadow-crowned,  but  sublime  is  the  warning, 

All   heaven's   grimly  hushed,   and  the  Bird  of  Storm    sings! 
^All  's  ivelly^  saith  the  Sentry  on  Tyranny's  tower, 

While  Hope  by  his  watch-fire  is  grey  and  tear-blind  ; 
Ay,  all's  well!     Freedom's  Altar  bums,  hour  by  hour. 

Live  brands  for  the  fire-damp  with  which  ye  are  mined. 

"Fling  out  the  red  Banner!    the  Patriots  perish. 

But  where  their  bones  whiten  the  seed  striketh  root : 
Their  blood  hath  run  red  the  great  harvest  to  cherish : 

Now  gather  ye.  Reapers,  and  garner  the  fruit. 
Victory  !  victory !   Tyrants  are  quaking  ! 

The  Titan  of  Toil  from  the  bloody  thrall  starts  j 
The  Slaves  are  awaking,  the  dawn-light  is  breaking. 

The  foot-fall  of  Freedom  beats  quick  at  our  hearts!" 


Here  are  inspiring  words: 


AWAKENING 


"How  SWEET  is  the  fair  face  of  Nature,  when  May, 

With  her  rainbow  earth-born  and  flower-woven,  hath  spanned 
Hill  and  dale  ;    and  the  music  of  birds  on  the  spray 

Makes  Earth  seem  a  beautiful  faery  land  ! 
And  dear  is  our  First-love's  young  spirit-wed  Bride, 
With  her  meek  eyes  just  sheathing  in  tender  eclipse, 

155 


Appendix 


When  the  sound  of  our  voice  calls  her  heart's  ruddy  tide 

Up  in  beauty  to  break  on  her  cheek  and  her  lips. 
But  Earth  hath  no  sight  half  so  glorious  to  see. 
As  a  People  up-girding  its  might  to  be  free. 

<<  To  see  men  awake  from  the  slumber  of  ages. 

Their  brows  grim  from   labour,  their  hands  hard  and  tan, 
Start  up  living  Heroes,  long-dreamt-of  by  Sages  ! 

And  smite  with  strong  arm  the  Oppressors  of  man  ; 
To  see  them   come  dauntless  forth  'mid  the  world's  warring, 

Slaves  of  the  midnight-mine  !     Serfs  of  the  sod ! 
Shew  how  the  Eternal  within  them  is  stirring, 

And  nevermore  bend  to  a  crowned  clod : 
Dear  God  !  'tis  a  sight  for  Immortals  to  see, — 
A  People  up-girding  its  might  to  be  free. 

<*  Battle  on  bravely,  O  sons  of  Humanity  ! 

Dash  down  the  Cup  from   your  lips,  O  ye  Toilers  ! 
Too  long  hath  the  world  bled  for  Tyrants'  insanity — 

Too  long  our  weakness  been  strength  to  our  Spoilers  ! 
The  heart  that  through  danger  and  death  will  be  dutiful  j 

Soul  that  with  Cranmer  in   fire  would  shake  hands. 
And  a  life  like  a  Palace-home  built  for  the  beautiful, 

Freedom  of  all  her  beloved  demands — 
And   Earth  has  no  sight  half  so  glorious  to  see. 
As  a  People  up-girding  its  might  to  be  free!" 


The  notice  of  Mr.  Massey's  contributions  to  the  spiritual  ferment 
of  his  time  may  well  end  with  these  beautiful  lines,  which  should  be 
graven  on  the  hearts  of  all : 


DAY     AND     TO-MORROW 


**  Though  hearts  brood  o'er  the  Past,  our  eyes 
With  smiling  Futures  glisten  5 
For,  lo  !    our  Day  bursts  up  tlie  skies  ! 
Lean  out  your  souls  and  listen  ! 
256 


Appendix 


The  world  is  rolling  Freedom's  way, 
And  ripening  with  her  sorrow  \ 

Take  heart !  who  bear  the  Cross  To-day- 
Shall  wear  the  Crown  To-morrow. 

**0  Youth!   flame-earnest,  still  aspire, 

With  energies  immortal ! 
To  many  a  heaven  of  Desire 

Our  yearning  opes  a  portal. 
And  though  Age  wearies  by  the  way. 

And  hearts  break  in  the  furrow, 
Youth  sows  the  golden  grain  To-day, — 

The  Harvest  comes  To-morrow. 

"  Build  up  heroic  lives,  and  all 

Be  like  a  sheathen  sabre. 
Ready  to  flash  out  at  God's  call, 

O  Chivalry  of  Labour  ! 
Triumph  and  Toil  are  twins,  though  they 

Be  singly  born  in  Sorrow  ; 
And  'tis  the   Martyrdom   To-day 

Brings  Victory  To-morrow." 

I  close  this  section  with  two  poems  of  Charles  Kingsley.  ** Alton 
Locke's  Song"  shows  how  profoundly  this  brave  and  noble-minded 
Church  of  England  clergyman  was  moved  by  the  wretchedness 
revealed  to  him  in  the  stifling  dens  of  London,  as  well  as  among  the 
agrarian  population.  "The  Day  of  the  Lord"  is  a  prophet-cry  j 
like  "Alton  Locke's  Song,"  it  rings  with  the  spirit  of  Chartism 
rather  than  that  of  the  League.  The  two  poems  may  be  said  to  utter 
the  spirit  of  1848. 

'*ALTON     LOCKE*S      SONG 

*<Weep,  weep,  weep  and  weep, 
For  pauper,  dolt,  and  slave  ! 
Hark  !  from  wasted  moor  and  fen, 
Feverous  alley,  stifling  den, 
Swells  the  wail  of  Saxon  men — 
Work  !   or  the  grave  ! 
17  257 


Appendix 


"Down,  down,  down  and  down 

With  idler,  knave,  and  tyrant  ! 
Why  for  sluggards  cark  and  moil  ? 
He  that  will  not  live  by  toil 
Has  no  right  on  English  soil  I 
God's  word  's  our  warrant  I 

<<  Up,  up,  up  and  up  ! 

Face  your  game  and  play  it ! 
The  night  is  past,  behold  the  sun  ! 
The  idols  fall,  the  lie  is  done  ! 
The  Judge  is  set,  the  doom  begun  ! 
Who  shall  stay  it  ?  " 


"the    day    of   the    lord 

"The  Day  of  the  Lord  is  at  hand,  at  hand; 

Its  storms  roll  up  the  skyj 
The  nations  sleep  starving  on  heaps  of  gold  j 

All  dreamers  toss  and  sigh  ; 
The  night  is  darkest  before  the  morn  j 
When  the  pain  is  sorest  the  child  is  born, 

And  the  Day  of  the  Lord  is  at  hand. 

"  Gather  you,  gather  you,  angels  of  God — 
Freedom,  and  Mercy,  and  Truth  ; 
Come  !  for  the  Earth  is  grown  coward  and  old. 

Come  down,  and  renew  us  her  youth. 
Wisdom,  Self-Sacrifice,  Daring,  and  Love, 
Haste  to  the  battle-field,  stoop  from  above, 
To  the  Day  of  the  Lord  at  hand. 

"  Gather  you,  gather  you,  hounds  of  hell — 
Famine,  and  Plague,  and  War  ; 
Idleness,  Bigotry,  Cant,  and  Misrule, 

Gather,  and  fall  in  the  snare  ! 
Hireling  and  Mammonite,  Bigot  and  Knave, 
Crawl  to  the  battle-field,  sneak  to  your  grave. 
In  the  Day  of  the  Lord  at  hand. 
258 


Appendix 


**Who  would  sit  down  and  sigh  for  a  lost  age  of  gold. 

While  the  Lord  of  all  ages  is  here  ? 
True  hearts  will  leap  up  at  the  trumpet  of  God, 

And  those  who  can  suffer,  can  dare. 
Each  old  age  of  gold  was  an  iron  age  too. 
And  the  meekest  of  saints  may  find  stern  work  to  do. 

In  the  Day  of  the  Lord  at  hand." 


259 


II.    DR.    CHARLES    MACKJrS    POLITICAL 

FABLE    OF    THE    TAILOR-RULED 

LAND 

I  HAVE  elsewhere  referred  to  the  part  played  by  poems,  songs, 
stories,  brief  arguments,  Socratic  discussions,  and  political  fables 
in  the  educational  campaign  that  resulted  in  the  repeal  of  the  Corn 
Laws  and  the  establishment  of  Free  Trade  in  England.  As  an  interest- 
ing illustration  of  one  kind  of  weapon  used  by  the  reformers  to  reach  the 
mind  of  the  slow-thinking  thousands,  I  give  the  following  political 
fable  written  by  Dr.  Charles  Mackay.  In  his  delightful  volume  of 
reminiscences  the  author  says  :  "Once,  in  the  course  of  a  conversa- 
tion with  Mr.  Cobden  I  remarked,  that  as  good  an  argument  could  be 
made  in  justification  of  a  legislative  and  parliamentary  monopoly  of 
tailors  and  shoemakers,  as  for  that  of  agriculturists.  ^  Quite  as  good,' 
replied  Mr.  Cobden  ;  *  you  should  work  the  idea  out.  It  might  form 
a  political  fable,  and  be  the  means  of  driving  an  idea  into  heads  that 
might  not  otherwise  be  converted  to  the  true  faith.'"  * 

This  conversation  led  the  young  journalist  to  prepare  a  little  fable, 
which  was  so  good  an  example  of  the  tracts  and  leaflets  that  proved 
highly  effective  in  the  educational  work  of  the  League  that  I  reproduce 
it  in  full.  It  was  first  read  at  the  weekly  meeting  of  the  League,  next 
published  in  the  Morning  Chronicle  and  was  afterwards  utilized  in  the 
propaganda  work. 

''the    tailor-ruled    land 

"In   a  certain  powerful  and  populous  country  there  was  a  great 
peculiarity  in  the  mode  of  government.      That  peculiarity  was,  that 
no  man  could  sit  in  either  House  of  Parliament,  of  which,  as  in  ours, 
*Mackay's  "  Forty  Years'  Recollections,"  vol.  I,,  p.  129. 

260 


Appendix 


there  were  two,  who  was  not  a  tailor.  To  be  a  tailor  doing  a  great 
stroke  of  business  was  to  be  eligible  not  only  for  a  seat  in  the  Legis- 
lature, but  for  all  the  principal  offices  of  State  ;  and  in  fact  the  law 
was  so  framed  that  if  any  man  of  talent,  not  a  tailor,  was  anxious  to 
procure  admission  into  Parliament,  he  was  compelled  to  do  his  con- 
science wrong  and  hire  a  tailor's  shop  for  a  day,  that  he  might  swear 
at  the  moment  of  his  election  that  he  did  really  and  truly  belong  to 
that  eminent  fraternity. 

*'  The  consequences  of  this  state  of  things  may  be  easily  anticipated. 
People,  seeing  that  the  tailors  made  the  law,  looked  up  to  the  tailors 
with  becoming  respect  5  and  the  monarchs  of  the  country,  being  in  the 
power  of  the  tailors  from  generation  to  generation,  conferred  honours, 
dignities,  and  emoluments  upon  them.  The  tailors,  having  so  much 
power  and  consideration,  naturally  endeavoured  to  turn  both  to  their 
own  advantage,  and  made  a  law  enacting  that  coats  and  breeches,  and 
every  species  of  attire,  should  not  be  sold  under  a  certain  large  price. 
They  also  enacted  other  laws  for  the  protection  and  sole  advantage  of 
tailors.  But  these  were  felt  as  nothing  by  them  compared  with  the 
cruelty  of  making  all  sorts  of  garments  excessively  and  unnecessarily 
dear  ;  great  portions  of  the  community,  unable  to  pay  this  price,  and 
prevented  by  law  from  sending  to  the  tailors  of  other  countries,  who 
had  no  such  powers  and  privileges,  were  obliged  to  wear  very  coarse 
and  insufficient  raiment;  and  many  went  without  it  altogether,  and 
perished  from  the  inclemency  of  the  weather.  The  tailors,  however, 
did  not  care  what  sufferings  the  multitudes  experienced  for  the  want  of 
covering  5  how  many  old  men  and  old  women  shivered  in  the  wintry 
blasts  ;  and  how  many  little  children  were  nipped  in  the  bud  of  exist- 
ence, who  might  have  lived  to  old  age  if  clothes  had  been  as  cheap  and 
as  easily  to  be  procured  as  they  ought  to  have  been.  The  tailors 
accused  those  who  complained  of  such  evils  as  men  of  no  knowledge 
of  the  true  principles  of  Government — as  men  of  no  rectitude — who 
wished  to  overturn  the  monarchy,  bring  about  a  revolution,  destroy 
religion,  and  render  us  dependent  upon  foreign  nations  for  our 
breeches.  They  refused  loudly  to  lower  the  price  of  their  commodi- 
ties, and  maintained,  with  many  specious  arguments,  that  had  it  not 
been  for  the  great  price  of  coats  and  other  garments,  the  nation  would 
not  have  attained  any  rank  or  eminence  among  the  powers  of  the  earth, 
and  would  have  been  conquered  and  overrun  by  the  people  of  neigh- 
bouring states.  These  false  and  ridiculous  doctrines  were  so  widely 
spread,  and  so  zealously  inculcated  by  the  tailors,  and  by  people  con- 
nected with  them,  that  many  well-meaning  men  were  convinced  that 
the  tailors  spoke  the  truth,  and  paid  willingly  the  extortionate  sums 

261 


Appendix 


demanded  by  them.  The  cry  of  the  naked  multitudes  was  heard 
occasionally  ;  but  when  the  weather  grew  warmer  it  was  hushed, 
and  the  tailors  fancied  it  was  not  the  warm  weather,  but  their 
arguments,  that  had  stilled  the  multitude,  and  consoled  themselves 
during  the  hot  and  quiet  days  with  the  hope  that  all  opposition  had 
died  away. 

<<In  these  times  there  arose  a  man  by  the  name  of  Eel — a  very  fair- 
spoken,  intelligent  man — who,  though  not  born  among  the  tailors,  had 
bought  himself  into  their  fraternity  by  his  wealth,  and  acquired  great 
ascendancy  amongst  them  by  his  plausible  character.  This  man  Eel 
had  great  tact,  undoubted  prudence,  and  a  sort  of  plain,  business-like 
eloquence  that  had  great  weight  with  all  the  mediocre  minds  who  did 
not  like  the  labour  of  thinking  for  themselves,  and  who  were  very  well 
satisfied  that  so  respectable  a  person  should  think  for  them.  Now 
Eel  had  the  misfortune  of  connecting  himself  early  in  life  with  the 
tailors,  in  consequence  of  the  facilities  afforded  by  their  corporation  of 
advancing  his  ambitious  views  of  power  and  influence  over  his  fellow- 
men  ;  and  altliough  the  older  he  grew,  the  more  sensible  he  became 
that  the  tailors  had  not  acted  justly  to  the  community,  and  had  by 
their  selfishness  inflicted  many  evils  upon  the  nation,  he  had  not  the 
courage  to  renounce  his  allegiance  to  them.  Now,  the  nature  of  the 
man  was  acute,  or  more  properly  speaking,  cunning ;  and  when  the 
tailors  chose  him  for  their  leader,  there  arose  a  great  struggle  in  his 
mind  upon  the  coat  and  breeches  question.  The  more  he  thought 
upon  the  matter,  and  the  more  he  listened  to  the  voice  of  reason, 
justice,  and  common  sense,  the  more  convinced  he  became  that  the 
tailors  were  wrong  and  that  the  people  were  right.  He  was,  to  do 
him  justice,  anxious  enough  that  the  monopoly  of  the  tailors  should 
be  brought  to  an  end,  and  that  the  people  should  be  cheaply  clothed  ; 
but  at  the  same  time  he  was  anxious  not  to  vex  his  friends,  who  had 
brought  him  into  so  responsible  a  position,  nor  to  destroy  the  great 
party  of  the  tailors  out  of  the  country. 

<<In  this  perplexity  a  scheme  was  devised,  that  when  the  thermome- 
ter was  ten  degrees  below  freezing  point,  the  poor  people  might  send 
for  clothes  to  neighbouring  states,  and  not  be  obliged  to  buy  from  the 
high-priced  tailors  of  their  own  country.  This  scheme,  however,  was 
not  found  to  work  well ;  for  when  the  shivering  people  sent  for  their 
clothes,  the  thermometer  not  unfrequently  rose  to  twenty  or  thirty 
degrees  above  the  freezing  point  before  the  order  could  be  executed  j 
and  when  at  last  the  clothes  came,  they  were  refused  admission  into 
the  country  unless  such  duty  were  paid  upon  them  as  made  them  as 
dear  as  the  home  manufacture.      This  scheme,  therefore,  did  not  work, 

262 


Appendix 


and  great  agitation  sprung  up  from  one   end   of  the  country  to  the 
other  against  the  tailors. 

'*At  last  a  League  was  formed,  the  object  of  which  was  to  put  the 
tailors  upon  the  same  level  with  shoemakers  and  other  artisans,  and 
with  the  farmers  and  owners  of  land,  and  generally  all  those  who 
were  concerned  in  the  growth  of  the  people's  food.  The  tailors,  see- 
ing this,  endeavoured  to  raise  an  outcry  against  the  League.  They 
accused  them  of  selfish  and  interested  views ;  and  if  there  happened 
to  be  a  shoemaker,  or  stocking-weaver,  or  landlord  among  them, 
raised  a  great  hubbub,  called  them  mercenaries  and  lovers  of  mam- 
mon— reckless  and  unprincipled  men,  who  cared  not  for  the  throne  or 
the  altar  provided  breeches  were  cheap — though  what  connection 
there  was  between  the  price  of  breeches  and  the  throne,  they  never 
properly  explained.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  in  Parliament, 
where  their  influence  was  strong,  they  could  be  kept  silent ;  and  Eel, 
who  knew  very  well  that  they  could  not  open  their  mouths  without 
betraying  the  weakness  of  their  cause,  endeavoured  to  amuse  them 
with  other  subjects  of  discussion.  They  njjould  speak,  however,  and 
from  time  to  time  uttered  such  absurdities,  especially  one  man  of  the 
name  of  Goodwood,  and  another  of  the  name  of  Stowe,  that  people, 
miserable  as  they  were  for  want  of  clothes,  could  not  avoid  laughing 
at  the  ridiculous  things  which  these  two  uttered  with  all  the  pompous- 
ness  of  truth  and  sincerity.  Thus  the  matter  remained  for  two  or 
three  years — Eel  all  the  while  becoming  in  his  heart  more  and  more 
estranged  from  the  tailors;  but  hesitating  with  an  excess  of  caution 
which  was  characteristic  of  him  to  do  that  which  he  knew  to  be  right, 
lest  the  tailors  should  be  too  rudely  thrown  down  from  the  bad  pre- 
eminence they  so  long  occupied." 


463 


III.     CHARTIST   PETITION    PRESENTED    TO 
THE    COMMONS    IN    183^ 

BELOW  is  a  copy  of  the  great  petition  presented  by  the  Chartists 
and  introduced  by  Mr.  Attwood,  June  1 4,  1 8  3  9.     It  contained 
1,200,000  signatures.      In  1842  a  petition  containing  several 
million  signatures  was  presented.      Both,  however,  shared  the  same 
fate  of  being  summarily  rejected. 

FIRST     NATIONAL     PETITION     OF     THE      UNITED 
CHARTISTS 

"  To  the  Honourable  the  Commons  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland^  m 
Parliament  assembled^  the  Petition  of  the  undersigned^  their  suf- 
fering countrymen^ 

«<  Humbly  sheweth, — 

*<That  we,  your  petitioners,  dwell  in  a  land  whose  merchants  are 
noted  for  their  enterprise,  whose  manufacturers  are  very  skilful,  and 
whose  workmen  are  proverbial  for  their  industry.  The  land  itself  is 
goodly,  the  soil  rich,  and  the  temperature  wholesome.  It  is  abund- 
antly furnished  with  the  materials  of  commerce  and  trade.  It  has 
numerous  and  convenient  harbours.  In  facility  of  internal  communi- 
cation it  exceeds  all  others.  For  three  and  twenty  years  we  have 
enjoyed  a  profound  peace.  Yet,  with  all  the  elements  of  national 
prosperity,  and  with  every  disposition  and  capacity  to  take  advantage 
of  them,  we  find  ourselves  overwhelmed  with  public  and  private 
suffering.  We  are  bowed  down  under  a  load  of  taxes,  which,  not- 
withstanding, fall  greatly  short  of  the  wants  of  our  rulers.  Our 
traders  are  trembling  on  the  verge  of  bankruptcy  5  our  workmen  are 
starving.  Capital  brings  no  profit,  and  labour  no  remuneration.  The 
home  of  the  artificer  Is  desolate,  and  the  warehouse  of  the  pawnbroker 
is  full.  The  workhouse  is  crowded,  and  the  manufactory  is  deserted. 
We  have  looked  on  every  side  j  we  have  searched  diligently  in  order 

264 


Appendix 


to  find  out  the  causes  of  distress  so  sore  and  so  long  continued.  We 
can  discover  none  in  nature  or  in  Providence.  Heaven  has  dealt 
graciously  by  the  people,  nor  have  the  people  abused  its  grace,  but  the 
foolishness  of  our  rulers  has  made  the  goodness  of  God  of  none  effect. 
The  energies  of  a  mighty  kingdom  have  been  wasted  in  building  up 
the  power  of  selfish  and  ignorant  men,  and  its  resources  squandered 
for  their  aggrandisement.  The  good  of  a  part  has  been  advanced  at 
the  sacrifice  of  the  good  of  the  nation.  The  few  have  governed  for 
the  interest  of  the  few,  while  the  interests  of  the  many  have  been  sot- 
tishly  neglected,  or  insolently  and  tyrannously  trampled  upon.  It 
was  the  fond  expectation  of  the  friends  of  the  people  that  a  remedy 
for  the  greater  part,  if  not  for  the  whole  of  their  grievances,  would  be 
found  in  the  Reform  Act  of  1832.  They  regarded  that  Act  as  a  wise 
means  to  a  worthy  end,  as  the  machinery  of  an  improved  legislation, 
where  the  will  of  the  masses  would  be  at  length  potential.  They  have 
been  bitterly  and  basely  deceived.  The  fruit  which  looked  so  fair  to 
the  eye,  has  turned  to  dust  and  ashes  v/hen  gathered.  The  Reform 
Act  has  effected  a  transfer  of  power  from  one  domineering  faction  to 
another,  and  left  the  people  as  helpless  as  before.  Our  slavery  has 
Been  exchanged  for  an  apprenticeship  to  liberty,  which  has  aggravated 
the  painful  feelings  of  our  social  degradation,  by  adding  to  them  the 
sickening  of  still  deferred  hope.  We  come  before  your  honourable 
house  to  tell  you,  with  all  humility,  that  this  state  of  things  must  not 
be  permitted  to  continue.  That  it  cannot  long  continue,  without  very 
seriously  endangering  the  stability  of  the  throne,  and  the  peace  of  the 
kingdom,  and  that  if,  by  God's  help,  and  all  lawful  and  constitutional 
appliances,  an  end  can  be  put  to  it,  we  are  fully  resolved  that  it  shall 
speedily  come  to  an  end.  We  tell  your  honourable  house,  that  the 
capital  of  the  master  must  no  longer  be  deprived  of  its  due  profit; 
that  the  labour  of  the  workman  must  no  longer  be  deprived  of  its  due 
reward.  That  the  laws  which  make  food  dear,  and  the  laws  which 
make  money  scarce,  must  be  abolished.  That  taxation  must  be  made 
to  fall  on  property,  not  on  industry.  That  the  good  of  the  many,  as 
it  is  the  only  legitimate  end,  so  must  it  be  the  sole  study  of  the  gov- 
ernment. As  a  preliminary  essential  to  these  and  other  requisite 
changes — as  the  means  by  which  alone  the  interests  of  the  people  can 
be  effectually  vindicated  and  secured — we  demand  that  those  interests 
be  confided  to  the  keeping  of  the  people.  When  the  State  calls  for 
defenders,  when  it  calls  for  money,  no  consideration  of  poverty  or 
ignorance  can  be  pleaded  in  refusal  or  delay  of  the  call.  Required,  as 
we  are  universally,  to  support  and  obey  the  laws,  nature  and  reason 
entitle  us  to  demand  that  in  the  making  of  the  laws  the  universal  voice 

265 


Appendix 


shall  be  implicitly  listened  to.  We  perform  the  duties  of  freemen  ; 
yve  must  have  the  privileges  of  freemen.  Therefore,  we  demand  uni- 
versal suffrage.  The  suffrage,  to  be  exempt  from  the  corruption  of  the 
wealthy  and  the  violence  of  the  powerful,  must  be  secret.  The  asser- 
tion of  our  right  necessarily  involves  the  power  of  its  uncontrolled 
exercise.      We  ask  for  the  reality  of  a  good,  not  for  its  semblance, 

•'V.'  therefore  we  demand  the  ballot.  The  connection  between  the  repre- 
sentatives and  the  people,  to  be  beneficial,  must  be  intimate.  The 
legislative  and  constituent  powers,  for  correction  and  for  instruction, 
ought  to  be  brought  into  frequent  contact.  Errors  which  are  compara- 
tively light,  when  susceptible  of  a  speedy  popular  remedy,  may  pro- 
duce the  most  disastrous  effects  when  permitted  to  grow  inveterate 
through  years  of  compulsory  endurance.  To  public  safety,  as  well  as 
public  confidence,  frequent  elections  are  essential.  Therefore,  we 
•fj^  -  demand  annual  parhaments.  With  power  to  choose,  and  freedom  in 
choosing,  the  range  of  our  choice  must  be  unrestricted.  We  are 
compelled,  by  the  existing  laws,  to  take  for  our  representatives  men 
who  are  incapable  of  appreciating  our  difficulties,  or  have  little  sym- 
pathy with  them  ;  merchants  who  have  retired  from  trade  and  no  longer 
feel  its  harassings  \  proprietors  of  land  who  are  alike  ignorant  of  its 
evils  and  its  cure  ;  lawyers  by  whom  the  notoriety  of  the  senate  is 
courted  only  as  a  means  of  obtaining  notice  in  the  courts.  The 
labours  of  a  representative  who  is  sedulous  in  the  discharge  of  his  duty 
are  numerous  and  burdensome.  It  is  neither  just,  nor  reasonable,  nor 
safe,    that   they   should   continue    to    be   gratuitously   rendered.      We 

vd^  demand  that  in  the  future  election   of  members  of  your  honourable 

^  house,  the  approbation  of  the  constituency  shall  be  the  sole  qualifica- 
tion, and  that  to  every  representative  so  chosen  shall  be  assigned  out  of 

/:■'  the  public  taxes,  a  fair  and  adequate  remuneration  for  the  time  which 
he  is  called  upon  to  devote  to  the  public  service.  The  management  of 
this  mighty  kingdom  has  hitherto  been  a  subject  for  contending  factions 
to  try  their  selfish  experiments  upon.  We  have  felt  the  consequences 
in  our  sorrowful  experience  :  short  glimmerings  of  uncertain  enjoy- 
ment, swallowed  up  by  long  and  dark  seasons  of  suffering.  If  the 
self-government  of  the  people  should  not  remove  their  distresses,  it  will, 
at  least,  remove  their  repinings.  Universal  suffrage  will,  and  it  alone 
can,  bring  true  and  lasting  peace  to  the  nation  ;  we  firmly  believe  that 
it  will  also  bring  prosperity.  May  it  therefore  please  your  honourable 
house,  to  take  this  our  petition  into  your  most  serious  consideration,  and 
to  use  your  utmost  endeavours,  by  all  constitutional  means,  to  have  a 
law  passed,  granting  to  every  male  of  lawful  age,  sane  mind,  and 
unconvicted  of  crime,  the  right  of  voting  for  members  of  Parliament, 

266 


Appendix 


and  directing  all  future  elections  of  members  of  Parliament  to  be  In  the 
way  of  secret  ballot,  and  ordaining  that  the  duration  of  Parliament,  so 
chosen,  shall  in  no  case  exceed  one  year,  and  abolishing  all  property 
qualifications  in  the  members,  and  providing  for  their  due  remuneration 
while  in  attendance  on  their  parliamentary  duties. 
"And  your  petitioners  shall  ever  pray." 


THE    END 


267 


INDEX 


269 


INDEX 


Albert,  H.R.H.  Prince,  assists  in 
circulation  of  Mackay's  poem, 

225. 

"  Alton  Locke,"  Kingsley's  novel, 
mentioned,  137. 

« -  Alton  Locke' s  Song, "  by  Kings- 
ley,  257-258. 

America,  89  j    South,  141. 

"Anathema  Maranatha,"by  Mas- 
sey,  lines  from,  254. 

Anglo-Saxon  dependencies  under 
modern  English  rule  moving 
toward  republican  ideal,  20. 

Anglo-Saxon  people  slow  to  adopt 
innovations,  205. 

Annandale,  Carlyle  attends  acad- 
emy at,  116. 

Anne,  Queen,  148. 

Anti-Corn-Law  agitation,  at  first 
an  ethical  movement,  later  a 
class  conflict,  80. 

Anti-Corn-Law  campaign,  100. 

«  Anti-Corn-Law  Circular,"  organ 
of  the  League,  started,  87. 

Anti-Corn-Law  crusade,  victorious 
outcome  of,  an  inspiration  and 
an  object-lesson,  1 1  5  success  of, 
averted  revolution  of  force,  78  ; 
mentioned,  1085  demonstrates 
power  of  an  aroused  nation  to 
effect  apeaceable  revolution,  1 96. 


ASTRONOMY 

Anti-Corn-Law  fight,  the,  92. 

Anti-Corn-Law  leaders,  Maurice 
more  radical  than,  135. 

Anti-Corn-Law  League,  see 
League. 

Anti-Corn-Law  measure,  passage 
of,  PeePs  greatest  victory,  193. 

Anti-Corn-Law  movement,  a  valu- 
able example  for  the  present,  9  ; 
similarity  of  the  story  of,  to  that 
of  the  economic  struggle  of  our 
day,  I  o ;  importance  of,  to  cause 
of  liberalism,  78  }  storyof  incep- 
tion of,  83-84;  mentioned,  193. 

Anti-Corn-Law  struggle,  Cobden 
and  Bright  chief  leaders  of,  87. 

Anti-Corn-Law  victory,  not 
wholly  due  to  the  League,  209- 
210. 

Aristocracy,  forced  to  share  gov- 
ernment with  middle  class,  55. 

Army,  sympathizes  with  popular 
demands,  54. 

Arundel,  Mayor  of,  refuses  town- 
hall  to  speakers  of  the  League, 

155- 

Ashley,  Lord,  investigations  into 
mining  abuses  secured  by,  38  ; 
instrumental  in  disclosing  abuses 
of  child   labor  in  factories,  40. 

Associations,  Workingmen's,  de- 
scription of,  57. 

Astronomy,  mentioned  in  connec- 


271 


Index 


ASTRONOMY 

tion  with  changing  thought  of 
the  age,  26. 

Attwood,  Mr.,  introduces  monster 
petition  of  Chartists  into  Com- 
mons, 65,264;   mentioned,  66. 

<«  Awakening,  The,"  by  Massey, 
255-256. 

B 

Bagehot,  Walter,  tribute  of,  to 
Cobden,  90-91. 

Barrett,  Elizabeth,  characterization 
of,  122-123;  mentioned,  123, 
150;  «*The  Cry  of  the  Chil- 
dren," by,  218-222. 

Bastile,  fall  of,  before  the  starving 
people  act  in  concert,  24. 

"Battle  Call,  The,"  by  Massey, 
132-133. 

"Battle  Song,"  by  Elliott,  215. 

Belgium,  postal  savings  banks  of, 
8. 

Birmingham,  scene  of  bloody  riot, 
65  ;  scene  of  renewed  riots, 
66. 

Bolivar,  Simon,  with  San  Martin 
becomes  emancipator  of  Andean 
States,  6;    mentioned,  141. 

Boroughs,  rotten,  reduction  in 
number  of,  by  Reform  Bill,  54. 

«  Bridge  of  Sighs, The,"  by  Hood, 
mentioned,  123,  124. 

Bright,  John,  reference  to  leader- 
ship of,  11;  mentioned,  86,  94, 
95»  96,  97,  99j  100,  108,  127, 
150,  183,  200,  204;  an  active 
worker  of  the  League,  8  7  ;  Cob- 
den's  influence  over,  92  ;  char- 
acterization of,  92-99  ;  on  mis- 
sion of  our  republic,  95-96  ;  on 
what  constitutes  a  nation,  97  ; 


CAMBRIDGE 

as  an  orator,  9  8  ;  consecrates  life 
to  work  of  the  League,  162  ; 
how  he  became  interested  in 
Anti-Corn-Law  conflict,  162— 
163;  on  the  seven-years'  agita- 
tion against  the  Corn  Laws, 
164;  regarded  as  a  dangerous 
incendiary,  177. 

Bright,  J.  Franck,  D.D.,on  pub- 
lic revolt,  33;  on  condition  of 
women  and  children  in  mines, 
38-39  ;  on  complacent  attitude 
of  Liberal  ministry  toward  rev- 
olutionary bodies,  49—50;  on 
attitude  of  political  unions  in 
regard  to  Reform  Bill,  5 1  ;  on 
indignation  of  English  people 
atdefeatof  Reform  Bill,  53—54; 
on  tactics  of  Reform  Bill  ad- 
vocates, 55-56;  reference  to 
"  History  of  England,"  by,  6  5. 

"British  Freedom,"  by  Mackay, 
229—230. 

British  Isles,  67. 

Brougham,  Lord,  epigram  on  in- 
crease of  education,  by,  26  j 
commits  Liberal  party  to  reform 
policy,  48. 

Brussels,  126. 

Burke,  Edmund,  secures  important 
modifications  in  Corn  Laws,  72 ; 
reaction  against  liberal  policy  of, 
73- 


Calvary,  60,  61. 

Calvinists,  parents  of  Carlyle 
strong,  116. 

Cambridge,  mentioned,  136;  san- 
guinary riot  at  League  meeting 
by  students  of,   156. 


272 


Index 


CAMBRIDGE 

Cambridge,  Duke  of,  solicitude  of, 
for  maintenance  of  Corn  Tax, 
169. 

Campbell,  Thomas,  mentioned, 
1 64 ;  lines  from  "Tory  Logic," 
by,  166. 

Canada,  perplexities  of  Melbourne 
cabinet  increased  by  revolution 
in,  22  5  rebellion  in,  put  down 
by  Lord  Durham,  35;  special 
legislation  relating  to  importa- 
tion of  wheat  from,  74. 

Carbonari,  the,  Mazzini  affiliates 
himself  with,  14a. 

Carlyle,  Thomas,  contributes 
'<  Chartism"  and  "Past  and 
Present"  to  literature  of  dis- 
content, 1055  on  the  "Corn- 
Law  Rhymer,"  112— 113;  on 
Elliott,  1 1 3-1 1  5  ;  characteriza- 
tion of,  1 1  5—1 1 9  5  birth  and  boy- 
hood of,  1 1 6  ;  on  his  early  men- 
tal struggles,  117;  on  the  true 
mission  of  life,  1 1 8-1 1 9  ;  refuses 
to  enter  ministry',  119;  his  de- 
fence of  Mazzini,  145  ;  men- 
tioned, 214. 

Catholicism,  acceptance  of,  by 
John  Henry  Newman,  28;  men- 
tioned in  connection  with  "  No 
Popery  !  "  cry,  30. 

Catholics,  indiscreet  utterances  of, 
increase  popular  animosity,  31. 

Catholics,  Irish  Roman,  charac- 
terized by  Tijnes  as  a  "band  of 
visionary  traitors,"  30. 

Charles  It.,  Corn  legislation  in 
reign  of,  70-71. 

Charter,  People's,  largely  framed 
by  members  of  Parliament,  58  ; 
demands  of,  58;  embodied  as- 
18  273 


CHRONICLE 
pirations  of  artisan  class,  58-59. 

Chartism,  alarm  occasioned  in 
England  by  rise  and  spread  of, 
43,  mentioned,  44,  79,  105, 
127,129,206,257;  leaders  of, 
true  prophets,  59  ;  injured  by  its 
friends,  62  j  one  leading  cause 
of  failure  of,  63;  waged  hope- 
less battle  from  the  hour  when 
it  resorted  to  force,  66  ;  Massey 
voiced  spirit  of,  126;  lessons 
and  warnings  of,  204-208  ;  fatal 
mistake  of,  205-206  ;  adoption 
of  its  principles  postponed,  208. 

Chartist  agitation,  aided  by  reform 
poetry,  213. 

Chartist  leaders,  79. 

Chartist  meeting,  broken  up  by 
officials,  65. 

Chartist  movement,  mentioned, 
61;  reference  to  Gammage's 
history  of,  206. 

Chartist  Petition,  presented  to 
Commons  in  1839,  2^4)  copy 
of,  264-267. 

Chartists,  mentioned,  41,  58,  79, 
80,  138,174,  197;  attitude  of 
government  toward,  64;  arrest 
of  leading,  66  ;  opposition  of, 
to  Anti-Corn-Law  League,  85  ; 
present  petition  to  Commons 
signed  by  i  ,200,000  names, 264. 

"Cheap  Clothes  and  Nasty," 
Kingsley's  protest,  mentioned, 
136. 

Chelsea,  119. 

Child  labor  in  factories,  40. 

Children,  condition  of,  in  mines, 
38-40. 

Chrofiicle^  London  Daily^  men- 
tioned,  126,   127;    opens  col- 


Index 


CHRONICLE 
umns  to  League,  1 64 ;  dis- 
tinguished writers  contribute  to, 
164-165  ;  publishes  Mackay's 
fable  of  "The  Tailor-Ruled 
Land,''  260. 

Church,  Established,  convulsed  by- 
Oxford  movement,  27 ;  opposes 
reforms,  103. 

Church,  Latin,  John  Henry  New- 
man under  fascination  of,   27. 

Church  of  England,  convulsed  by 
Oxford  movement,  28;  men- 
tioned, 133,  134- 

Church  of  Rome,  accession  of 
English  clergymen  to,  29. 

Civilization,  progress  of,  depend- 
ent upon  youth  of  an  age,  150. 

Civil  War,  timid  conventionalism 
manifests  itself  after  our,  6. 

Clark,  Sir  James,  225. 

Classicism,  141. 

"Clear  the  Way!"  by  Mackay, 
243-244. 

Cobbett,  attempt  to  convict,  re- 
garded as  assault  on  freedom 
of  the  press,  32. 

Cobden,  Richard,  reference  to  lead- 
ership of,  II  j  mentioned,  86, 
89,  90,92,99,  100,  loi,  108, 
127,  150,  164,  176,  183, 
aoo,  2045  an  active  worker  in 
League,  8  7  ;  characterization  of, 
8  8-9  2  j  as  an  orator,  9 1  ^  induces 
Bright  to  take  up  Anti-Corn- 
Law  cause,  935  elected  to  House 
of  Commons,  161  5  induces 
Bright  to  join  in  active  League 
propaganda  work,  162  5  visit  of, 
to  Bright  at  time  of  latter' s  be- 
reavement, 162-163;  fails  to 
appreciate    importance    of   In- 


CONSERVATIVES 

come  Tax,  168  ;  failing  health 
and  financial  embarrassment  of, 
177  j  greatest  speech  of,  in 
House  of  Commons,  178;  pre- 
dicts abolition  of  Corn  Laws, 
179;  encourages  Mackay  to 
write  his  fable,  "The  Tailor- 
Ruled  Land,"  260. 

Combe,  George,  tribute  of,  to 
Mackay' s  poem,  "The  Souls 
of  the  Children,"  225-226. 

Commons,  House  of,  Irish-Catho- 
lic members  of,  30;  rotten  bor- 
oughs represented  in,  48  j  men- 
tioned, 49,  57,  66,  148,  161, 
185,  196,  197;  Lord  Grey's 
ministry  discredited  by,  51  j 
passes  vote  of  confidence  in 
Grey  ministry,  52;  passes  Re- 
form Bill,  52;  passes  Reform 
Bill  second  time,  53  ;  flooded 
with  petitions  demanding  Re- 
form Bill,  53-54;  middle  class 
receives  substantial  representa- 
tion in,  55  ;  deluged  with  peti- 
tions favoring  postal  reforms, 
158  ;  though  opposed  to  repeal, 
supports  Peel,  190;  votes  for 
repeal,  192. 

Conservatism,  upholds  Corn  Laws, 

lOI. 

Conservatives,  alarmist  cry  raised 
by,  29  ;  mentioned  in  connec- 
tion with  "No  Popery!"  cry, 
30;  alarmed  by  revolt  in  favor 
of  Reform  Bill,  33;  reactionary 
tactics  of,  combated,  48  ;  per- 
suade King  to  adopt  coercive 
policy,  53  5  alarmed  at  attitude 
of  militia,  54  ;  mentioned,  188, 
197. 


274 


Index 


CONSTITUTION 

Constitution,  English,  50. 

Cooper,  Thomas,  on  pitiable  con- 
dition of  the  poor,  40. 

Cooperative  associations,  advo- 
cated by  Maurice,   135. 

Corn-Law  agitation,  similarity  be- 
tween present  conditions  and 
those  obtaining  in  England  at 
time  of,  10;  aided  by  reform 
poetry,  213. 

Corn-Law  agitators,  object  of  sati- 
rical verses  by  Moore,  31. 

Corn-Law  reformers,  educational 
methods  of,  recommended,  11. 

"Corn-Law  Rhymes,"  quotations 
from  Carlyle's  essay  on,  112- 
113. 

Corn  Laws,  mentioned,  38,  72, 
79>  83,  85,  93,  99,  128,  129, 
152,  i53>  154,  160,  168,  169, 
171,  172,  175,  177,  178, 
180,  183,  185,  188,  201,  214, 
216,  228,  260J  Chartist  agita- 
tation  hastens  repeal  of,  43  5 
history  of,  68-775  provisions 
of  early  measures,  68-69  5  legis- 
lative enactments  in  regard  to, 
73  j  become  a  popular  issue, 
75;  stood  for  special  privilege, 
class  legislation  and  monopoly, 
76  ;  restrictive  and  monopoly- 
creating  statutes,  81  5  "unctious 
rectitude"  of  defenders  of,  82  ; 
bulwarked  by  great  wealth,  the 
press,  and  conservatism,  loi  ; 
Moore  writes  verses  favoring, 
165  j  motion  to  repeal,  over- 
whelmingly defeated,  1795  re- 
peal of,  demanded  by  Lord  Rus- 
sell, 184;  repeal  necessary  to 
prevent  forcible  revolution,  191. 


DISRAELI 

Corn  monopoly,  174. 

Corn  Tax,  mentioned,  1695  pro- 
posed abolition  of,  by  Sir  Robert 
Peel,  189. 

**  Corsican,The,"  Napoleon  refer- 
red to  as,  45. 

Cowley's  question,  answered  by 
Mackay,  231-232. 

Cowper, William,  lines  from  poem 
by,  90. 

Craigenputtoch,  home  of  Carlyle 
at,  119. 

Crimean  struggle,  denounced  by 
Bright,  95. 

"Cry  of  the  Children,  The,"  by 
Elizabeth  Barrett,  mentioned, 
122;  quoted,  21  8-222. 

"Cry  of  the  People,  The,"  by 
Mackay,  lines  from,  41-42. 

"Cry  of  the  Unemployed,  A," 
by  Massey,  250-251. 


Darwin,  Charles,  engaged  on  his 
immortal  works,  26. 

Dawson,  W.  J.,  on  poetry  of  Eliza- 
beth Barrett  and  Thomas  Hood, 
123. 

"Day  of  the  Lord,  The,"  by 
Kingsley,  258-259. 

Declaration  of  Independence,  the 
note  of  a  new  departure  in  gov- 
ernment, 5. 

Democracy,  progressive  spirit  of, 
dominated  British  political  life 
in  early  years  of  Victoria's  reign, 
19. 

Dickens,  Charles,  characterization 
of,  1 20- 1 21  J  mentioned,  150, 
164. 

Disraeli,  Benjamin,  bitter  philippic 


75 


Index 


DISRAELI 

of,  against  Peel,  188-189  j  be- 
comes leader  of  the  Tories  in 
Commons,  189. 
Durham,  Lord,  characterization 
of,  34—35  ;  sent  to  Canada  to 
quell  rebellion,  35. 


"Earth  for  All,  The,"  by  Massey, 
248. 

Ecclefechan,  birthplace  of  Carlyle, 
116. 

Edinburgh,  Carlyle  enters  Univer- 
sity of,  116;  mentioned,  119, 
184. 

Egypt,  89. 

Electricity,  a  new  utilitarian  power 
in  the  material  world,  26. 

Elliott,  Ebenezer,  mentioned,  61, 
108,109,125,126}  lines  from 
<'Ode  to  Victoria"  by,  805 
characterization  of,  107-115; 
school  days  of,  no;  starts  in 
business  for  second  time,  in; 
first  brought  to  public  notice  by 
Lytton  and  Carlyle,  112;  in- 
terest of  Southey,  Lytton  and 
Carlyle  in  poems  of,  213-214; 
lines  from  <' The  Village  Patri- 
arch," by,  214;  martial  spirit 
of  poems  by,  214;  ''Battle 
Song,"  by,  215;  appreciates 
the  ennobling  power  of  beauty, 
216;  "The  Home  of  Taste," 
by,  216-217;  "The  Press," 
by,  217-218. 

Encyclopedia,  Edinburgh,  Carlyle 
secures  work  on,  1 19. 

England,  income-and-inheritance 
tax  of,  7-8  ;  social  conditions 
in,  during  Anti-Corn-Law  agi- 


ENGLAND 

tation  similar  to  those  present 
with  us  to-day,  i  o  ;  monarchical 
in  principle  but  republican  in 
spirit  during  Victoria's  reign, 
20  ;  infected  by  spirit  of  revolt, 
2  5 ;  influence  of  French  and  Ger- 
man philosophy  upon  thought 
of,  27;  controversy  among 
scholars  in,  28  ;  threatened,  ac- 
cording to  Opposition,  by  imma- 
turity of  Queen  and  friendliness 
of  ministry  to  Irish  Catholics, 
29  ;  reference  to  religious  con- 
troversy in,  3 1  ;  disappointment 
in,  over  non-realization  of  un- 
warranted expectations  from  the 
Reform  Bill,  32  ;  gigantic  dem- 
onstrations of  revolt  in,  in  I  8  3 1 , 
alarms  conservatives,  33  ;  men- 
tioned, 35,  41,  49,  59,  89,91, 
93»95»98,  loi,  102,  108,  124, 
129,  135,  136,  139,  145,  149, 
150,  155,  161,  163,  170,  171, 
174,  182,  189,  191,  199,  204, 
209,  214,  217,  260;  shameful 
conditions  in  collieries  of,  38  ; 
alarm  over  Chartist  movement 
in,  43  ;  effect  of  democracy  on 
Continent  and  of  French  Revo- 
lution upon,  45  ;  Reform  Bill 
epoch-marking  in  history  of, 
55  ;  progress  of,  along  line  of 
democratic  ideal  illustrated,  65  ; 
artisan  class  of,  educated  by 
Chartism,  66  ;  strong  reaction 
favoring  restrictive  policy  in, 
following  French  Revolution, 
72  ;  infected  with  spirit  of  un- 
rest, 75  ;  Anti-Corn-Law  and 
free  trade  mass-meetings  held 
throughout,  86  ;  conscience  of. 


276 


'Index 


ENGLAND 

awakened  by  Cobden  and 
Bright,  99  j  time  of  moral 
awakening  in,  1045  authorities 
of,  open  Mazzini's  mail,  147  j 
assumes  world  leadership  in  ef- 
ficient postal  service,  1595  enor- 
mous harvests  allay  general  dis- 
content in,  176;  educated  on 
Corn  Laws,  1795  great  League 
meetings  held  througliout,  183; 
great  political  excitement 
throughout,  186;  aliame  with 
enthusiasm  over  repeal  of  Corn 
Laws,  192;  enters  upon  pros- 
perous career  with  triumph  of 
free  trade,  1935  repeal  accom- 
plished through  rousing  moral 
sentiment  of,  197—198. 

England,  industrial,  educational 
campaign  to  arouse,  5  8  ;  edu- 
cated by  Chartist  movement,  6 1 . 

English  agitators,  excellent  models 
for  present-day  reformers,  1 1. 

Englishmen,  under  leadership  of 
Cobden  and  Bright,  not  afraid 
to  take  initiative,   1 1. 

<<  Eternal  Justice,''    by   Mackay, 

245-247. 
Europe,  royalty  and  aristocracy 
of,  alarmed  and  masses  inspired 
by  founding  of  our  republic,  5  ; 
influence  of  United  States  on 
popular  imagination  of,  6  ;  in- 
tellectual revolution  in,  preced- 
ing Victoria's  reign,  23  ;  influ- 
ence of  French  Revolution  on 
thrones  of,  24  j  western  conti- 
nental, moving  toward  revolu- 
tionary outbreak,  25  }  literature 
of  unrest  permeates,  75  ;  men- 
tioned, 128, 140,  141, 172  ;  rev- 


*<  GALLEY    slave" 

olutionary  temper  throughout, 

191. 
European    countries,    successful 

operation  of  postal  savings  banks 

in,  8. 
Evolution,  influence  of,  on  religious 

thought,  26. 


Farrar,  Archdeacon  W.  F. ,  tribute 
of,  to  Bright,  96  ;  characteriza- 
tion of  Bright' s  eloquence,  by, 
98-99. 

•<  Fermentation,  The,"  by  Mac- 
kay, 237-239. 

France,  postal  savings  banks  of, 
8  i  of  Louis  XVL  referred  to, 
20  \  overthrow  of  old  regime 
by  starving  miserables  of,  24  j 
influence  of  French  Revolution 
on  European  toilers,  25  ;  men- 
tioned, 72,  89,  102,  141  5  Maz- 
zini  retires  to,  142;  banishes 
Mazzini,  143. 

Free  Trade,  associations  formed 
for  promoting,  83  5  mentioned, 
84,  187,  26c}  gigantic  propa- 
ganda of,  85;  advocated  by 
Peel,  189. 

Free  Trade  campaign,  100. 

Free  Trade  struggle,  Cobden  and 
Bright  chief  leaders  of,  875  Cob- 
den's  views  of,  89. 

French  Revolution,  see  Revolution. 

**  French  Revolution,"  Carlyle's, 
mentioned,   119,  145. 

Frost,  John,  62. 

G 

*«  Galley  Slave,  The,"  by  Kipling, 
mentioned,  254. 


277 


Index 


GAMMAGE 

Gammage,  R.  G.,  on  effort  of 
middle  classes  to  secure  support 
from  the  masses  for  Reform  Bill, 
45-46  }  on  result  of  divisions 
among  Chartists,  206-208  j  ref- 
erence to  * '  History  of  the  Chart- 
ist Movement,"  by,  206. 

Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  90. 

Genoa,  140,  142. 

Geology,  mentioned  in  connection 
with  changing  thought  of  the 
age,  26. 

George  III.,  209. 

George  IV.,  social  conditions  in 
England  at  death  of,  46  j  men- 
tioned, 56. 

Germany,  129. 

Gethsemane,  61. 

Gladstone,  William  Ewart,  tribute 
of,  to  Bright,  94  ;  sympathy  of, 
with  South  during  our  Rebel- 
lion, 955  member  of  Peel's 
ministry,  189. 

Glasgow,  185. 

<'Good  Time  Coming,  The,"  by 
Mackay,  244-245. 

Government,  new  class  introduced 
into,  by  Reform  Bill,  55. 

Gracchi,  the,  140. 

Graham,  Sir  James,  maligns  Maz- 
zini  in  defence  of  his  own  of- 
ence,  148. 

Grattan,  Henry,  insinuates  that 
Tories  would  assassinate  Queen 
if  in  their  power,  31. 

Great  Britain,  postal  savings  banks 
of,  8  ;  progressive  democracy 
changed  character  of  govern- 
ment in,  195  peaceable  settle- 
ment of  threatened  revolution 
in,    compared    with    Reign    of 


HORNE 

Terror,  21  ;  takes  leading  part 
in  scientific  advance,  26  ;  men- 
tioned, 38,  1645  tremendous 
impression  made  throughout,  by 
Lord  Russell's  advocacy  of  re- 
peal, 185;  moves  toward  demo- 
cratic ideal,  193;  lessons  of  the 
'forties  in,  instructive  for  the 
present,  210. 

Greece,  89. 

Grey,  Lord,  mentioned,  34;  leader 
of  progressive  wing  of  Whig 
party,  47 ;  called  upon  to  form 
new  cabinet,  48  ;  supported  by 
radical  element,  50  ;  embarrass- 
ing position  of,  5  I  ;  resignation 
of,  accepted,  53. 

H 

Hampstead  Heath,  54. 

Hayti,  throws  off  Bourbon  yoke 
underToussaintL'Ouverture,6. 

Henry  VI.,  corn  legislation  in  reign 
of,  69—70. 

Herbert,  Sidney,  178. 

Hetherington,  Henry,  national  or- 
ganizer for  Chartist  associations, 
58. 

Hill,  Rowland,  governmental  op- 
position to  postal  reforms  of, 
1585  characterization  of  postal 
reform  measures  of,  1 5  9 ;  victory 
of  postal  reform  measures  of,  1 60. 

«  Home  of  Taste,The,"  by  Elliott, 
216-21  7. 

Hood,  Thomas,  characterization 
of,  123-1255  mentioned,  124, 
218;  <<Songof  the  Shirt,"  by, 
223—225. 

Home,  R.  H.,  revelations  of,  re- 
garding child  labor,  inspire  EHz- 


278 


Index 


HORNE 

abeth  Barrett' s  "  The  Cry  of  the 
Children,"   122. 

Humanitarlanism,  reflected  in  lit- 
erature of  period,  105. 

Huntingdon,  meetings  of  League 
broken  up  by  Opposition  at,  i  56. 

Hugo,  Victor,  141. 

I 

Ideals,  of  new  order,  accepted  by 
Old  World  thinkers,  24. 

Income  Tax,  enacted  under  Peel's 
ministry,  168;  passage  of, 
strengthens    Peel   with    people, 

175- 

India,  threatened  revolution  in, 
adds  to  difficulties  confronting 
Melbourne  cabinet,  22. 

Ireland,  the  chief  theater  for  the 
religio-political  controversy,  3  i ; 
passage  of  coercion  bill  for,  56  j 
potato  famine  in,  182  ;  lawless 
condition  in,  193. 

Italy,  mentioned,  129,  142;  be- 
comes hotbed  of  revolutionary 
agitation,  143. 

J 

Jamaica,  threatened  revolt  in,  adds 
to  difficulties  of  Melbourne  cab- 
inet, 22. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  faith  of,  in  the 
people,  6. 

Jones,  Ernest,  62. 

K 

King,  refuses  to  accept  resignation 
of  Grey  ministry,  5 1  j  alarmed 
at  revolutionary  indications,  52; 
won  over  by  Tories,  53  j  sum- 
mons Duke  of  Wellington  to 


LEAGUE 

form  cabinet,  53  j  alarmed  at 
defection  of  militia,  54  j  recedes 
from  conservative  position,  54. 

*<  King  Arthur,"  by  Bulwer  Lyt- 
ton,  lines  from,  106—107. 

Kingsley,  Charles,  characterizes 
himself  as  a  Chartist,  61  j  men- 
tioned, 133,  I  505  seconds  Mau- 
rice in  socialistic  work,  135} 
characterization  of,  i  36-1 39  j 
on  resvilts  of  unjust  social  condi- 
tions, 137;  prominent  in  move- 
ment for  Christian  Socialism, 
138;  reformative  character  of 
writings  of,  139;  "Alton 
Locke's  Song,"  by,  257-258  j 
<<The  Day  of  the  Lord,"  by, 
258-259. 

Kipling,  Rudyard,  254. 


*<Lalla  Rookh,"  by  Moore,  men- 
tioned, 165,  167. 

League,  Anti-Corn-Law,  men- 
tioned, 67,  77,  78,  127,  128, 
129,  x6i,  174,  178,  183,  187, 
199,  200,  228,  257,  260;  lead- 
ers of,  rally  people  against  mo- 
nopoly, 76  5  opposition  to,  from 
Tories,  Wiilgs  and  Chartists, 
79;  the  ally  of  freedom,  81  j 
high  character  of  leaders  of,  8  3  ; 
300  delegates  of,  meet  in  Lon- 
don,84;  press  of  kingdom  closed 
to,  85;  starts  organ,  "Anti- 
Corn-Law  Circular,"  later  "  The 
League,"  87  ;  frequent  disap- 
pointments of,  100;  Mackay 
the  poet  of,  126;  false  hopes 
entertained  by  leaders  of,  1515 
Injured  by  Wood' s  address,  152; 


279 


Index 


LEAGUE 

indignation  and  dismay  of,  at 
Wood's  speech,  153  ;  renewal 
of  campaign  by,  1 54  5  meetings 
of,  interfered  with,  1555  great 
dailies  open  their  columns  to, 
164;  encouraged  by  reform  of 
tariff,  168  ;  interrogates  Duke 
of  Richmond,  172;  gloomy  out- 
look for,  at  opening  of  1845, 
1755  decline  of  popular  interest 
in,  176;  literature  of,  no  longer 
interests  people,  177;  roused  to 
activity  by  news  of  potato  rot, 
1825  importance  of  work  of, 
195  i  triumph  of,  over  landed 
interests,  nobility  and  church, 
197;  methods  of,  for  arousing 
conscience  of  England,  198— 
203;  in  sympathy  with  Liberals 
rather  than  Tories,  20 1 ;  wisdom 
of  leaders  of,  in  refusing  to  up- 
hold lawlessness,  202  j  persecu- 
tions and  unjust  treatment  of 
leaders  of,  react  favorably,  203  j 
addressed  reason  and  conscience 
of  England,  204;  a  valuable 
popular  educator,  208. 

Liberalism,  accession  of  Francis 
Newman  to  ranks  of,  28. 

Liberalism,  French,  influence  of,  on 
English  thought,  27. 

Liberalism,  progressive,  67. 

Liberal  journals,  speak  out  boldly 
in  favor  of  the  League,  183. 

Liberal  ministry,  exaspei-ates  labor- 
ing classes  by  refusing  to  work 
for  extension  of  franchise  and 
other  progressive  measures,  33  ; 
lenient  toward  revolutionary 
bodies,  49  j  heartily  hated  by 
artisans,  56;  timidity  of,  under 


LOUIS    XVI. 
Lord     Melbourne,     151—1525 
mentioned,  158,  160,  1765  un- 
popular with  poor,  161. 

Liberal  papers,  unfriendly  attitude 
of,  toward  Anti-Corn-Law 
League,  85. 

Liberal  party,  opposes  Bourbon 
programme    of    Conservatives, 

Liberals,  charge  Tories  with  trea- 
son, 31  }  refuse  to  advance,  34; 
incense  poor  by  enactment  of 
Poor  Law,  36  5  mentioned,  37, 
79,  176,  185,  188,  201  ;  over- 
whelming victory  of,  5 1-52  j 
become  reactionary,  56. 

Liberals,  radical,  encourage  Work- 
ingmen's  Association,  57. 

Liverpool,  64. 

London,  mentioned,  53,  54,  84, 
88,  iic>,  121,  126,  139,  145, 
149,  164,  184,  257;  bazaars 
held  in,  for  Free  Trade  propa- 
ganda purposes,  85  ;  sweat- 
shops of,  referred  to,  i  36  j  Maz- 
zini  arrives  at,  in  1837,  1445 
Mazzini's  influence  in,  147, 

"Lords  of  Land  and  Money, 
The,"  by  Massey,  249-250. 

Lords,  House  of,  opposed  to  Re- 
form Bill,  48 ;  reject  Reform 
Bill  second  time,  53;  realize 
futility  of  continued  opposition, 
54;  mentioned,  169,185,  193, 
197;  receives  repeal  bill,  1925 
votes  for  repeal  of  Corn  Laws, 
1925  though  composed  of  ben- 
eficiaries of  Corn  Laws,  is  forced 
to  accept  repeal,  196. 

Louis  XVL,  reign  of,  compared 
with  that  of  Victoria,  20-21. 


Index 


LOUTH 

Louth,  speakers  of  League  fined 
at,  156. 

L'Ouverture,  Toussalnt,  becomes 
head  of  republican  movement 
in  Hayti,  6. 

Lovett,  William,  leader  of  Work- 
ingmen's  Association,  57  j  men- 
tioned, 58,  61. 

Lowell,  James  Russell,  lines  from 
«<The  Present  Crisis,"  by,  60; 
162. 

Lytton,  Sir  Edward  Bulwer,  refer- 
ence to  "My  Novel,"  by,  75  } 
radical  lines  by,  1055  lines  from 
"  King  Arthur,"  by,  106-107  ; 
mentioned,  1 12,  214. 

M 

Machinery,  introduction  of,  alarms 
workers,  37. 

Mackay,  Charles,  on  first  decade 
of  Victorian  age,  21-22;  lines 
from  "The  Cry  of  the  People," 
41-425  characterization  of, 
126-128;  edits  Ami  Corn-Law 
and  Free  Trade  department  of 
the  Chrofiicle,  127,  164;  men- 
tioned, 150,  164,  228,  239, 
241  j  on  tactics  of  Opposition 
to  deceive  public,  169;  on  Nor- 
folk's curry- powder  prescrip- 
tion, 173-1745  on  the  Times'' 
foreshadowing  Peel's  conver- 
sion, 1855  reference  to  general 
circulation  of  the  poem,  <'The 
Souls  of  the  Children,"  by,  2255 
"British  Freedom,"  by,  229— 
2305  "The  Wants  of  the 
People,"  by,  230-2315  Cow- 
ley"" s  question  answered  by,  2325 
"The  Three  Preachers,"   by, 


232-234 


The  Voice  of  the 


Time,"by, 234— 235  5  "Now," 
by,  236-237;  " The  Fermenta- 
tion," by,  237-239;  "The 
Railways,"  by,  239  —  240; 
"The  Watcher  on  the  Tower," 
by,  241  —  242;  "Clear  the 
Way!"  by,  243-244;  "The 
Good  Time  Coming,"  by,  244— 
245;  "Eternal  Justice,"  by, 
245-247  ;  "The  Tailor-Ruled 
Land,"  by,  260-263. 

Magdalen  College,  Kingsley  grad- 
uates from,   136. 

Manchester,  inauguration  of  Anti- 
Corn-Lav/  movement  at,  83  ; 
Chamber  of  Commerce  declares 
for  Free  Trade,  84  5  great  public 
dinner  held  by  Anti-Corn-Law 
leaders  at,  845  bazaars  for  Free 
Trade  propaganda  purposes  held 
at,  855  mentioned,  88,  152; 
indignant  over  Wood's  address, 
1535  League  aided  through 
manufacturers  of,  200. 

Manchester  school,  188. 

Manners,  Lord  John,  amusing 
proposition  of,  to  check  popular 
discontent,  1 70-1 71. 

Marie  Antoinette,  20. 

Marseilles,  revolutionary  headquar- 
ters of  "Young  Italy,"   143. 

Marx,  Karl,  129. 

Massey,  Gerald,  mentioned,  61, 
126,  127,  130,  150,  248  5  lines 
from  stanzas  on  Hood,  by,  125  5 
characterization  of,  128-133  ; 
poverty  of  childhood  of,  129; 
lines  from  "The  People's  Ad- 
vent," by,  1 31-132;  lines  from 
"The  Battle  Call,"  by,  132- 


28] 


Index 


MASSEY 
1335  on  the  solidarity  of  life, 
1345  stanzas  on  victory  that 
seemed  to  be  defeat,  by,  209  5 
the  militant  poet  of  the  period, 
2475  *<The  Earth  for  All," 
by,  248;  <<The  Lords  of  Land 
and  Money,"  by,  249-250  j 
"A  Cry  of  the  Unemployed," 
by,  250-251;  "Our  Fathers 
are  Praying  for  Pauper-pay," 
by,  2  5  2—2  5  3  ;  lines  from  '  *  Ana- 
thema Maranatha,"  by,  254; 
lines  from  "Onward  and  Sun- 
ward," by,  254;  "Song  of  the 
Red  Republican,"  by,  2  5  4-2  5  5 ; 
"The  Awakening,"  by,  255- 
256;  "To-Day  and  To-Mor- 
row,"  by,  256—257. 

Mazzini,  Giuseppe,  mentioned, 
129,  140,  141,  142,  143,  145, 
148,  150  j  characterization  of, 
I  39-149  ;  on  great  revolutions, 
143  ;  on  his  own  poverty  and 
suffering  in  London,  1 44 ;  on 
life  as  a  mission,  146-147  ;  mail 
of,  tampered  with  by  English 
government,  147—148;  perse- 
cution of,  by  postal  authorities, 
makes  him  a  figure  of  national 
importance,  149;  work  of, 
among  his  poor  countrymen  in 
London,  149. 

Maurice,  Frederic  D.,  mentioned, 
I  3  3>  ^S^j  I  3^j  139  j  character- 
ization of,  134-136;  coopera- 
tive associations  advocated  by, 

135- 

McCarthy,  Justin,  on  gravity  of 
political  outlook  at  accession  of 
Victoria,  22  ;  on  Lord  Durham's 
work  in  Canada,  35;   on  Free 


MORLEY 

Trade  propaganda,  85  ;  on  over- 
whelming sentiment  in  Parlia- 
ment against  Free  Trade  and 
repeal,  196—197. 

Melbourne  cabinet,  indifference  of, 
toward  the  poor,  35. 

Melbourne,  Lord,  confronted  by 
grave  domestic  and  foreign  diffi- 
culties at  accession  to  office,  22  ; 
assailed  by  religious  fanatics,  29  ; 
conservatism  of,  34;  opposes 
repeal  of  Corn  Laws,  85;  a 
minister  unsuited  for  a  crisis, 
152;  refuses  to  pledge  himself 
to  alteration  of  Corn  Laws,  152. 

Melbourne  ministry,  mentioned, 
i5i>  175;  growing  unpopular- 
ity of,  157;  postal  reforms  in- 
troduced during  life  of,  158. 

Middle  Class,  becomes  a  factor  in 
government,  55. 

Mines,  coal,  frightful  condition  of 
workers  in,  38-40. 

Ministry,  Liberal,  condones  revo- 
lutionary but  justifiable  actions 
on  part  of  the  people,  49-50. 

Monopoly,  appetite  of,  insatiable, 

71- 

Moore,  Thomas,  satirical  verses 
by,  on  the  Corn-Law  and  anti- 
Papal  agitators,  3  1 ;  mentioned, 
164,  166  ;  stanzas  by,  predicting 
doom  of  Corn  Laws,  165-166. 

Morley,  John,  on  difference  be- 
tween the  conflicting  class  inter- 
ests, 81-82;  on  conservative 
tendency  of  the  public  mind, 
86  ;  characterizes  Cobden's  pos- 
ition on  educational  agitation, 
102;  on  the  quickening  of  the 
social  spirit  in   England,   104- 


Index 


MORLEY 
105  ;  on  the  Cambridge  riot, 
156;  on  lawless  and  reckless  at- 
titude of  English  press  toward 
League,  157;  on  how  Bright 
became  interested  in  Anti-Corn- 
Law  conflict,  162-163  ;  on  ag- 
gressive work  of  League  leaders, 
163  ;  quotes  Cobden's  words  in 
regard  to  repeal  of  Corn  Laws, 
179-180  J  on  peculiar  attitude 
of  Parliament,  190. 

N 

Naples,  government  of,  instigates 
English  interference  with  Maz- 
zini's  correspondence,  147. 

Newman,  Francis,  becomes  a  lib- 
eral, 28. 

Newman,  John  Henry,  heads  Ox- 
ford Movement  and  issues 
"Tract  No.  90,"  27;  becomes 
a  reactionary,  28. 

Newport,  riots  at,  66. 

New  Zealand,  progressive  and 
democratic  reforms  in,  8. 

Norfolk,  Duke  of,  absurd  proposal 
of,  to  feed  the  poor  on  curry  tea, 

173-174- 

**No  Popery!"  political  slogan 
used  agairst  Melbourne  min- 
istry, 29. 

Norman  Conquest,  68. 

<'Now,"  by  Mackay,  236-237. 

O 

O'Brien,  James  B.,  62. 

O'Connell,  Daniel,  acting  with 
Lord  Melbourne,  29  ;  friendli- 
ness of  ministry  to,  29  ;  names 
People's  Charter,  58  j  men- 
tioned, 86. 


PEEL 

O'Connor,  Feargus,  62. 

"  Onward  and  Sunward,"  by  Mas- 
sey,  lines  from,  254. 

Opposition,  seeks  to  discredit  Mel- 
bourne ministry  by  appeals  to 
religious  prejudice,  29  ;  dis- 
creditable tactics  of,  305  stub- 
bornly contests  Reform  Bill,  52. 

''Our  Fathers  are  Praying  for 
Pauper-pay,"  by  Massey,  252- 
253- 

Oxford  Movement,  inauguration 
of,  in  1833,  27;  religious  up- 
heaval following,  28. 


Palestine,  130. 

Parliament,  mentioned,  51,  56,65, 

84,  98,99*  148,  152.  157,  193, 
209,  225;  rejects  petition  of 
Chartists,  65 ;  dominated  by 
corn  monopolists,  735  grants 
bounties  on  importation  of 
grain,  73;  thirty-nine  acts  of, 
for  shooting  of  partridges,  men- 
tioned, 105  }  Tory  majority  in, 
177  ;  of  I  846, opened  by  Queen 
in  person,  187;  compelled  to 
yield  to  public  will,  196. 

Paulton,  A.  W.,  employed  as  Anti- 
Corn-Law  lecturer,  84  ;  men- 
tioned, 86. 

Peel,  Sir  Robert,  employs  Wood's 
address  to  combat  League,  153; 
discredits  ministry  by  securing 
vote  on  want  of  confidence 
motion,  161  ;  wavers  in  his  op- 
position to  League,  165;  en- 
courages League  by  his  reform 
of  tariff,  168  ;  increased  popu- 
larity of,   due  to  Income  Tax 


283 


Indi 


ex 


PEEL 
and  tariff  reform  measures,  175  ; 
mentioned,  176,  185^  admits 
Cobden's  argument  to  be  un- 
answerable, 1785  becomes  an 
unwilling  convert  to  Free  Trade 
and  repeal,  183;  resigns  from 
ministry,  186  j  recalled  to  form 
new  ministry  after  failure  of 
Lord  Russell,  186;  expresses 
change  of  convictions,  1875  ar- 
raignment of,  by  Disraeli,  189  } 
argues  on  benefits  of  Free  Trade, 
189;  presents  bill  for  repeal, 
190-1925  Duke  of  Welling- 
ton's confidence  in,  192.5  fall 
of  ministry  of,  1935  crowning 
glory  of  career  of,  193. 
People,  English,  manifest  indigna- 
tion at  course  of  government, 

53-54- 

Peers,  reject  Reform  Bill,  5  2  ;  men- 
tioned, 53  5  urged  by  King  to 
withdraw  opposition,  54. 

Peers,  Liberal,  prospect  of  increase 
in  numbers  of,  alarms   Lords, 

54- 
Phillips,  George  Searles,  on  Elliott, 

109. 
Phillips,  Wendell,  90. 
Pitt,  William,  treaty  of,  between 

English  and  French,  mentioned, 

*<  Pleasures  of  Hope,"  by  Camp- 
bell, mentioned,  167. 

Poor  Bill,  passage  of,  arouses  in- 
dignation of  toilers,  56. 

Poor  Law,  provisions  of,  36-37. 

*<  Popery,"  term  of  opprobrium 
applied  to  Catholicism  by  con- 
servatives, 30. 

Portugal,  172. 


REFORM    BILL 

Post,  London  Morning,  attack  of, 
on  the  Manchester  school,  157. 

"Press,  The,"  by  Elliott,  217- 
218. 

Progress,apostles  of, characterized, 
61. 

Prophet,  becomes  voice  of  justice, 
60. 

Protestants,  utterances  of,  increase 
religious  intolerance,  31. 

Provinces,  British  North  Ameri- 
can, 74. 

Queen,  immaturity  of,  urged  by 
Opposition  as  a  menace  to  Eng- 
land, 29  5  attempt  to  create  im- 
pression that  Catholicism  is 
favored  by,  30;  youth  of,  de- 
plored, by  'Times,  30;  address 
of,  before  Parliament  of  1839, 
152;  summons  Lord  Russell  to 
form  new  ministry,  186  5  opens 
Parliament  in  person,  187. 

Queen's  College  for  Women,  es- 
tablished by  Maurice,  135. 

R 

"Railways,  The,"  by  Mackay, 
239—240. 

Reform  Bill,  of  1 8  3 1—3  2,  reflected 
republican  spirit,  1 9 ;  mentioned, 
33>  34,  46,  48,  52»  169,  186, 
193,197,2055  brief  history  of, 
44—555  provisions  of,  54—555 
disappointment  of  artisans  at 
results  of,  565  illustration  of 
how  the  democratic  ideal  may 
be  realized  in  spite  of  govern- 
mental opposition,  195—1965 
value  of  educational   agitation 


a84 


Index 


REFORM    BILL 
that  preceded  passage  of,  208. 

Reform  Bill  agitation,  217. 

Reform  Bill  Struggle,  educational 
influence  of,  on  masses,  32. 

Reign  of  Terror,  mentioned  in 
connection  with  peaceable  set- 
tlement of  social  unrest  in  Eng- 
land, 21. 

Religion,  revolutionary  impulses 
present  in,  26. 

Republic,  falling  away  from  its  old 
principles,  7  ;  reference  to  com- 
manding position  of  our,  23— 24; 
Bright' s  tribute  to  our,  95-96. 

Revolt,  favored  by  temper  of  age, 

Revolution,  Canadian,  80. 

Revolution,  French,  influence  of, 
for  and  against  progress,  24 ;  in- 
fluence of,  on  English  people, 
44-45  ;  mentioned,  52,  72,  i  82  j 
social  ideas  of,  aided  Reform 
Bill  advocates,  55. 

Richmond,  Duke  of,  proposal  of, 
to  buy  potatoes  for  poor,  171  — 
172;  mentioned,  173. 

Rick-burning,  epidemic  of,  in 
southern  England,  46. 

Riviera,  Western,  142. 

Romanticism,  Mazzini  a  disciple  of, 
141. 

Rome,  Church  of,  mentioned  in 
connection  with  John  Henry 
Newman's  accession,  28  j  men- 
tioned, 29. 

Rotten  boroughs,  fifty,  abolished 
by  passage  of  Reform  Bill,  54. 

Ruskin,  John,  appreciation  of,  for 
beauty  anticipated  by  Elliott, 
216. 

Russell,  Lord  John,  conservatism 


SPANISH-AMERICAN    STATES 

of,  34;  on  right  of  free  speech, 
64;  declares  for  repeal,  184; 
summoned  to  form  new  min- 
istry, 186. 
Rutland,  Duke  of,  sneers  at  re- 
formers, I  70. 


San  Martin  becomes,  with  Bolivar, 

emancipator  of  Andean  states, 

6  ;  mentioned,  141. 
"Sartor  Resartus,"  written  by  Car- 

lyle,  at  Craigenputtoch,  119. 
Savona,    Mazzini    imprisoned    in 

fortress  of,  142. 
Science,  physical,  great  advance  of, 

26  ;    theories  of  evolution  put 

forth  in,  26. 
Scotland,   shameful   conditions  in 

collieries   of,    385     mentioned, 

116,  126,  155, 
Skarga,  revolutionary  words  of  the 

Polish  poet,  147. 
Smiles,  Samuel,  tribute  of,  to  Cob- 
den,  91. 
Socialism,  105, 
Socialism,  Christian,  principles  of, 

promulgated  by  Maurice,  135; 

mentioned,  138. 
Socialists,  57. 

Somers,  R.,  on  Corn  Laws,  71. 
"Song  of  the  Red  Republican," 

by  Massey,  254—255. 
«  Song  of  the  Shirt,  The,"  Hood's, 

mentioned,  123,  124. 
"Souls  of  the  Children,  The,"  by 

Mackay,  226-228. 
Southey,  Robert,  213. 
Spanish-American  states    become 

republics  under  Bolivar  and  San 

Martin,  6. 


285 


Index 


SPENCER 

Spencer,  Herbert,  mentioned  in 
connection  with  scientific  prog- 
ress of  the  age,  26. 

St.  Paul's  Cathedral,  39. 

Statesmanship,  difficulties  which 
confronted,  in  the  'forties,  23. 

Statesmen,  English,  influenced  by 
French  Revolution,  24. 

Steam,  value  of,  coming  to  be  re- 
alized, 26. 

Stephens,  Rev.  J.  R.,  an  inconsid- 
erate leader  of  Chartism,  62  ; 
arrested,  65. 

Sussex,  172,  173. 

Switzerland,  majority  rule  initiated 
in,  7  }  mentioned,  89  j  Mazzini 
takes  refuge  in,  143. 


"Tailor-Ruled  Land,  The,"  by 
Mackey,  260-263. 

Tax,  Corn,  169. 

Tax,  Income,  enacted  under  Peel 
ministry,  1685  passage  of, 
strengthens    Peel   with   people, 

175- 

Taylor,  Dr.  John,  61. 

Thomson's  "Seasons,"  influence 
of,  on  Elliott,  no. 

**The  League,"  later  name  of 
"Anti-Corn-Law  Circular,"  offi- 
cial organ  of  the  League,  87. 

"Three  Preachers,  The,"  by 
Mackay,  232-234. 

Times^  London,  on  Catholic  agita- 
tion, 30  ;  extract  from  Carlyle's 
letter,  published  in,  1 45  ;  alarms 
Tories  by  announcement  of 
Peel' s  conversion,  185. 

**  To-Day  and  To-Morrow,"  by 
Massey,  256-257. 


TURKEY 

Tories,  attempt  of,  to  excite  relig- 
ious prejudice  and  fanaticism, 
29  5  the  objects  of  sensational 
charge  by  Grattan,  3 1  j  the 
champions  of  privilege  and 
vested  rights,  3  5  j  charge  riots 
to  reform  agitation,  48-49  ;  ap- 
peal to  King  to  dissolve  Parlia- 
ment, 5 1  }  prevent  King  from 
increasing  number  of  peers,  53  j 
opposition  of,  to  Anti-Corn- 
Law  League,  85  j  mentioned, 
127,  153,  161,  173,  176,  197, 
201  ;  strengthened  in  power; 
owing  to  good  crops,  168, 
growing  popularity  of,  1 75  ;  ap- 
prehension of,  in  regard  to  Peel's 
attitude  on  Corn  Laws,  178; 
consternation  among,  owing  to 
Peel's  changed  position,  188} 
bitterly  resist  appeal,  190;  de- 
sert their  minister,  though  fav- 
oring his  measure,  193. 

Tories,  of  Glasgow,  discredit  ru- 
mor of  Peel's  defection,  185. 

Tory  government,  illiberal  spirit  of, 
increases  unpopularity  of  King, 
46;  mentioned,  133,  189. 

Tory  leaders  denounce  Peel,  188. 

Tory  ministry,  resignation  of,  48  ; 
mentioned,  56;  refuses  to  yield 
to  Peel,  186. 

Tory  press,  denounces  reforms, 
48  j  mentioned,  83  ;  denies  re- 
port of  potato  rot,  182. 

Tracts,  England  deluged  with,  by 
League,  87. 

Transcendentalism, German,  influ- 
ence of,  on  English  thought, 
27. 

Turkey,  89. 


286 


Index 


TYNDALL 

Tyndali,  John,  mentioned  In  con- 
nection with  scientific  progress 
of  the  age,  26. 

U 

Union,  of  Birmingham,  mention- 
ed, 49  ^  prepares  to  march  200,- 
000  men  to  Hampstead  Heath, 

54- 

Unions,  political,  aggressive  bodies 
for  bettering  condition  of  the 
poor,  49  J  determine  to  resort 
to  unconstitutional  methods  if 
necessary  to  secure  passage  of 
Reform  Bill,  51. 

United  States,  influence  of  example 
of,  in  Europe,  6. 

V 

Victoria,  Queen,  interest  and  prac- 
tical value  of  first  ten  years  of 
reign  of,  19;  accepted  spirit  as 
well  as  letter  of  democratic  de- 
mand, 20  5  reign  of,  compared 
with  that  of  Louis  XVI.  and 
Marie  Antoinette,  20-21 ;  early 
years  of  reign  of,  marked  by 
Anti-Corn-Law  and  anti-Papal 
agitation,  31  }  mentioned,  35, 
73,  150,  1575  popular  discon- 
tent at  opening  of  reign  of,  36  j 
distress  of  poor  at  opening  of 
reign  of,  38  ;  accession  of, 
marked  by  no  favorable  change 
in  ministry,  56—57;  fluctuation 
in  price  of  corn  at  accession  of, 
75  ;  Hnes  from  Elliott's  ode  to, 
80  j     reference    to     reign    of, 

195; 
Victorian  age,  mentioned,  20;  first 
decades  of,  a  transition  period, 


WELSH 

21  ;  characterized  by  spirit  of 
democracy,  44. 

Victorian  authors,  Elizabeth  Bar- 
rett's place  among,  122. 

Victorian  era,  1 24. 

"  Village  Patriarch, The,"  Elliott's 
principal  poem,  mentioned,  1 1 2  j 
lines  from,  214. 

Villiers,  Hon.  Charles  Pelham,  a 
disinterested  opponent  of  the 
Corn  Laws,  80  ;  mentioned,  86  j 
reopens  the  Corn-Law  discus- 
sion in  the  House  of  Commons, 

153- 
Vincent,  Henry,  62. 
"Voice  of  the  Time,  The,"  by 

Mackay,  234-235. 
«*  Voices   from    the    Crowd,"   by 

Mackay,  mentioned,  228. 

W 

Wagner,  Richard,  129. 

Wales,  shameful  condition  in  col- 
lieries of,  38. 

Wallace,  Alfred  Russell,  men- 
tioned in  connection  with  scien- 
tific progress  of  the  age,  26. 

"Wants  of  the  People,  The,"  by 
Mackay,  230—231. 

War,  Cobden's  views  of,  89. 

Ward,  May  Alden,  on  Carlyle, 
116. 

Washington,  George,  faith  of,  in 
the  people,  6  ;  mentioned,  109, 
141, 

"Watcher  on  the  Tower,  The," 
by  Mackay,  241-242. 

Welsh,  Jenny,  introduced  to  Car- 
lyle, 119. 

Welsh,  Mrs.,  introduced  to  Car- 
lyle, 119. 


287 


Index 


WELLINGTON 

Wellington,  Duke  of,  attempt  of, 
to  destroy  freedom  of  the  press, 
32}  leads  Tory  government, 
46  }  retained  at  head  of  cabinet 
by  new  King,  47  5  attempts  to 
form  Conservative  cabinet,  53  5 
finds  army  not  to  be  relied  upon 
to  coerce  Englishmen,  54  ;  fails 
to  form  ministry,  545  with  one 
hundred  lords,  withdraws  from 
chamber  that  Reform  Bill  may 
be  passed,  54;  mentioned,  56, 
185;  champions  repeal,  192. 

Whig  members  assail  reactionary 
policy  of  government,  46. 

Whig  papers,  unfriendly  attitude 
of,  toward  Anti-Corn-Law 
League,  85. 

Whig  party,  disappoints  progress- 
ive Englishmen  by  <' do-noth- 
ing" policy,  3  3  5  mentioned,  47. 

Whigs,  mentioned,  35,  56,  79, 
153,  161,  201. 

Whittier,  J.  G.,  90. 

William  IV.,  reign  of,  character- 
ized by  personal  rather  than 
constitutional  rule,  20  ;  general 
discontent  toward  end  of  reign 


"YOUNG    ITALY" 

of,  36  ;  lawless  demonstration 
by  poor  at  time  of  accession  of, 
47  ;  resents  dictation  by  Tories, 
5 1  ;  death  of,  in  i  8  3  7,  5  5  ;  men- 
tioned, 157. 

William  and  Mary,  Corn  Laws  in 
reign  of,  71—72. 

Wilson,  George,  chairman  of 
League,    87;    mentioned,    100. 

Women,  condition  of,  in  mines  of 
Great  Britain,  39-40. 

Wood,  Mr.,  of  Manchester,  sec- 
onds Queen's  address,  152. 

Workingmen,  general  discontent 
of,  at  opening  of  Victoria's 
reign,  57. 

Workingmen' s  Associations,  de- 
scription of,  57. 

Workingmen's'College,  established 
by  Maurice,  135. 

Worksop,  League  lecturer  brutally 
assaulted  at,  156. 


Yeast,"  Kingsley's  first  novel,, 
mentioned,  136. 
Young  Italy,"  founded  by  Maz- 
zinl,   142}    mentioned,  143. 


288 


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